By Benito Mussolini
1. Everything that happened had to happen, because if it did not have to happen then it would not have happened.
2. As far as gratitude is concerned, beasts are superior to men because they have instinct and not reason.
3. It seems that dictators have no alternative: they can not decline, they must fall, yet their fall does not cause any pleasure. Even when they are no longer feared, they continue to be either hated or loved.
4. What we call "life" is merely an almost imperceptible point between two eternities: the past and the future. A consoling thought!
5. Two books have greatly interested me in recent times: The Life of Jesus Christ by G. Ricciotti and Giacomo Leopardi by Saponara. Leopardi was also in a sense crucified!
6. According to Delcroix, my life should be divided into seven-year cycles marked by decisive events: 1908-1909, my expulsion from Austria; 1914-1915, intervention in the war; 1922, the March on Rome; 1929, reconciliation between Church and State; 1936, the foundation of the Empire; 1943, my fall; 1950, already dead. Finally!
7. My Pontine thoughts are over, because tonight, around one o'clock, I was woken up with the following words: "Danger in sight! We have to go!". I dressed in a hurry, collected my belongings and my papers and went to a cruiser that was waiting for me. I got on board and met Admiral Maugeri, who informed me that the new destination was the island of La Maddalena, near Sardinia.
Today [August 7, 1943] my thoughts are raised to Bruno. It is the second anniversary of his death. Under the present circumstances his death grieves me even more deeply. My dear Bruno! I have his image before my eyes as I write these words, living in a house of exile, on the second anniversary of his death.
The trip lasted twelve hours in a stormy sea. The villa I was brought to belonged to an English citizen named Weber, and is located in a strategic position. In front of it there is the sea, and beyond it, very far away, there are the jagged mountains of Sardinia. One year ago I visited La Maddalena amid the enthusiasm of the population. Today I arrive clandestinely. Who knows if today there is anyone who remembers my son and what he accomplished in his short and wonderful life.
Twenty years of work have been destroyed in a few hours. I refuse to believe that there are no more Fascists in Italy. Perhaps there are even more Fascists than before. But how bitter it is to have to see that this [coup d'état] was provoked by Fascists and carried out by card-carrying members of the Party. Fascism was an initiative that fascinated the world and indicated new ways. It is impossible that everything has collapsed. When I look back today on the tasks, achievements, work and hopes of these last twenty years I wonder: Did I dream? Was it all an illusion? Was it all superficial? Was there nothing deep?
8. A profound melancholy overwhelms me at the end of this first day of exile on La Maddalena. I feel that my son Bruno is now truly dead.
10. I have not read any newspaper since the morning of July 25th. It is worth noting that I do not miss them, despite being an indefatigable reader of dozens of daily newspapers.
11. The irony of destiny: from the height of power to complete unimportance, from roaring crowds to complete solitude.
12. Since October 1942 I had a continuously growing premonition of the crisis that would eventually overwhelm me. My illness greatly contributed to this.
13. In recent times, the demand for my photographs had greatly diminished and my aversion to signing them had increased equally if not more so. (I signed photos every Sunday afternoon). I felt that these photographs would be torn apart or hidden away one day. In these last days this must have happened in a "totalitarian" way in all homes. The less courageous men have torn these images, while the more courageous ones have hidden them in some closet in order to preserve them while pretending to forget them: Sic transit gloria effìgiei.
14. We all followed with great attention the screening of the film Sant'Elena, piccola isola at Villa Torlonia. Thus ended the life of a very great man. Why should a much lesser man not have an equal or similar fate?
15. After fourteen days I still do not know what "I am", or rather what I have become.
16. According to Admiral Maugeri there are only twenty days a year without wind at La Maddalena. Today, August 10, 1943, is one of those days. The sea looks like a table, the trees are still.
17. Thales thanked the gods for having made him a human being and not a beast, a man and not a woman, a Greek and not a barbarian.
18. When a social or political pyramid falls, the consequences are felt even at the bottom. A small problem also arises for boys who play tennis.
19. This morning the sun is trying to break through a blanket of gray clouds rising from the east. The sea is lead-colored. The first signs of winter are in the air. In fact, my guard said: "August: the beginning of winter".
20. His name is Felice Da Nunzio and he is originally from the province of Rome. The guards at Ponza were named Torella (from Frosinone) and Tizzoni (from Rieti). There were also two officials who supervised me the first day after my arrival: Picazio (from Caserta) and Gentile (from Siracusa). I also recall Vizzini (from Palermo) and Bruni (from Teramo) who wanted my autograph.
Dictatorship is a typically Roman (republican) institution. What is called "dictatorship" in the modern world is indirect and collective dictatorship, and it seems that it can not last more than twenty years. However, we are witnessing an exception: the dictatorship of Bolshevism over the proletariat.
21. Tonight the guards fired upon hearing "suspicious" noises. This morning, August 12th, there was an air raid alarm and anti-aircraft strikes at eight o'clock. I only saw two isolated fighters flying behind the island. The whole thing lasted three or four minutes.
22. The Japanese ambassador, whom I had received again on July 15th, at the age of thirteen, must have been more surprised than anyone else by these events.
23. Mosquitoes are the loudspeakers of the night: here there are too many!
24. Even the men who make up my garrison (carabinieri and officials) must have many questions in their minds: What kind of man is he?
25. In June 1940, after the outbreak of the war, the first air-raid shelter of Villa Torlonia was built in some caves; the cellar is located near the theater. It was believed to be absolutely safe. But, after an inspection, the competent authorities declared that it was a danger. The cellars of the villa had to be strengthened. But in October 1942, after the airstrikes on Turin, Milan and Genoa, it was said that an anti-aircraft shelter had to be built that could withstand "anything", i.e. a bunker that could withstand even the heaviest bombs. Major Parisella was commissioned with the construction; the estimated cost was 240,000 lire; the duration of the work was supposed to be three months starting in December 1942. As always, in Rome, it turned out that the spot selected near the Villa was empty and had to be excavated at twice the expected depth. The work was extended and the time it took to construct got longer. It should be noted that my repulsion for the shelter increased as the work progressed, even more so as they approached the end (end of July), and not because of the cost, but because of an obscure foreboding inside me. I had the precise feeling that this air-raid shelter would be completely useless once it was finished, and that we would never use it. Indeed! One ought to listen to the voice in their subconscious.
26. For the first time since 1940 the bulletin of the Armed Forces is speaking of the enemy's activity on the ground front without mentioning our activity in the slightest. This may be interpreted as a warning to communications that our last hour has been played in Sicily.
27. A dissolved party, i.e. a prohibited party, becomes interesting for many Italians. They get pleasure out of being Fascists if by so doing they can be "subversives". A strange but despicable psychological attitude.
28. I received a second letter from Rachele without news of Vittorio. Lieutenant Faiola, who has known him since childhood, says that no harm could have come to him.
29. The best of the combatants in all the wars were also within the Party. They have mutated into authentic enemies of the State.
30. This morning Colonel Meoli's departure was reported, along with that of Lieutenant Colonel Di Lorenzo and thirty other carabinieri.
31. It is curious that in these recent times it had bored me to work in the great hall of the Palazzo Venezia. I had already decided to move to the Ministry of the Navy or to some other place in the more concentrated periphery of Palazzo Venezia, in front of the Altar of the Fatherland. A symptom of my illness.
32. The first days of a new existence—in my case as a prisoner—are really endless. Then they fill up with little things and begin to flow more quickly.
33. Today, August 13th, I was filled with a strange and continuous restlessness. Perhaps other unpleasant news. In fact, at 5 PM I was given a bulletin of the Armed Forces which announced a second bombardment of Rome, along with the air attacks on Turin and Milan. The myth that the "Papal City" would be spared from attacks has now collapsed, along with the other legend that Rome would be bombed only because it was the seat of Fascism.
34. Has everything all gone as smoothly as they want to make us believe? How is it possible that an air force captain like Vittorio still can not give word of his whereabouts 21 days after the "change of the guard"?
35. The topics of conversation between me and my rare visitors are growing exhausted and soon we will arrive at the Trappist rule: silence.
36. I have never been interested in crossword puzzles, charades and other riddles. Today, due to the lack of books, I have been thankful to them for the possibility of killing time, before time kills me. Here everything tends toward normalization in order to endure.
37. This morning, August 14th, a man named Polito, the Inspector of Public Safety and now head of the Military Police with the rank of brigadier general, arrived on a tour of inspection. I asked him to come and see me. And he came, in fact, with Admiral Brivonesi, who took part in the conversation. This is what Polito told me:
"I accompanied Donna Rachele to La Rocca. The trip took place by car without incidents. Romano and Anna were already at La Rocca. I know nothing about Vittorio. He was at Casaro's disposition and had a leave of absence on the 26th. As far as Badoglio's promise goes, it would have been impossible to keep in his case, since there were telegrams from the Prefect, from the Quaestor and from the Commandant of the Military Zone, all of them foreseeing grave disorders if Vittorio had gone to La Rocca. All of this was confirmed to me on the spot. It seems that the changes have been radical. Not only does one no longer see any Party insignia in Italy, but all the Fascists have not merely been dispersed: they have disappeared. Manifestos of hatred against you are innumerable. I myself saw your bust in a public toilet in Ancona. In Milan, a crowd stormed the headquarters of Il Popolo d'Italia. The staff barricaded themselves. Vito defended himself. I do not know anything more.
Many arrests have been made, but the Fascist chiefs are all free, even the much hated Starace. Count Ciano was seen in officer's uniform on the 26th. I think he went to Livorno. Grandi, Bottai and the others have disappeared from the face of the earth.
As far as the war is concerned, the people want it to end, even though they clearly know that they are in a dead end. They are now indifferent to the possibility of a defeat, which is already considered a victory in so far as they have gotten rid of Fascism and are able to breathe freely.
Your whole edifice has collapsed. Suffice it to say that today Bruno Buozzi is the head of the workers. The prefects have almost entirely been replaced by Socialists who were in hiding.
These latest air raids have been very heavy. Especially the one in Milan where the whole centre of the city, except the Cathedral, has been destroyed. The bombardment of Rome was equally harsh and hit the same quarters that had been the target of the first attack. The Pope has again abandoned the Vatican. The effects of the air-strikes on German cities have not been any better. Their victims number in the tens of thousands.
After the conquest of Sicily, the English will land in southern Italy. All the Sicilian ports are full of ships and landing craft. In Syria they are preparing another attack that will be directed against the Dodecanese. It seems they will not try anything against Sardinia and Greece.
The war is going badly for the Germans even on land. Anglo-American air supremacy is overwhelming. Our fighters can not put up more than a ridiculously small number of aircraft against hundreds of attacking planes. It seems that the British intend to induce a complete moral and material paralysis of our country through terroristic attacks, and thereby obtain an unconditional surrender.
This war weighs more on the civilian population than on the army. It weighs on old men, women and children, and this explains the general fatigue and the hatred for the men who are responsible."Admiral Brivonesi joined in the conversation from time to time to emphasize the speed with which Fascism had been dissolved, in such a way that would have seemed impossible just a few days earlier, although it was obvious that things had already turned sour.
General Polito advised me to keep a low profile. He asked me how I was both before and now, and added that when passions had grown calm a more just judgment would be possible because "no one can deny that your intention was to make the country great and rich". He also said: "No one informed you? Where were your close friends?"
The talk lasted about an hour and a half. Even if we take into consideration the "coloring" which Public Safety officials give to their reports, I have come to two conclusions: 1) My system is destroyed; 2) My fall is definitive.
But this will not happen in my case. The infallible voice of blood tells me that my star has set forever.
38. Calm August day: the sea is still, not the slightest wind. Everything under the sun seems motionless, even my destiny.
40. When a man falls together with his system, the fall is final, especially if the man is over sixty.
41. God is my witness to the desperate and agonizing attempts—I say again desperate and agonizing attempts—that I made in that fatal August 1939 to preserve peace. The efforts failed. The English and the Germans are almost equally culpable; the English for having guaranteed Poland, the Germans for having prepared a powerful military machine without having the self-control to resist the temptation to set it in motion.
42. Today, August 16th, I got the August 14th report of Radio-Navi for the first time, with news from Berlin, Tangiers, Lisbon, Madrid, Istanbul and Stockholm.
43. The military events and the fall of the Regime are linked: they are the cause and effect. It is clear that I would not be on this island today if on July 10th in the bay of Gela the Anglo-Saxons had suffered a great defeat like that of Dieppe.
44. As always, even in my fate, people want to "look for the woman". But women have never exercised the very least influence on my politics. Perhaps that has been a disadvantage. Sometimes, thanks to their fine sensibility, women can be more far-sighted than men.
45. Crispi and that complex phenomenon called "Crispism" fell in the wake of the defeat at Adua and Felice Cavallotti became extremely popular. Even then the people suddenly changed their opinion and there followed four dramatic years which found their conclusion at the end of the century in Monza Park.
46. One goes from the apex of honors, to the culminating point of capital punishment.
Of Plato's three souls the masses have the first two: the vegetative and the sentient; they lack the third, the intellective. It is not hard for me to believe that millions of Italians who glorified me up util yesterday, detest me today and curse the day I was born and the village where I was born and my whole race, perhaps even the dead, certainly the living.
47. A pope, the representative of God on earth, once called me "the man sent by Providence". That was a happy time!
48. If men always remained on the altars, then they would end up thinking of themselves as super-men or divine beings. A fall into dust leads them back to humanity, to what one may define as "elementary" humanity.
49. The more oppressive the atmosphere became, the more numerous were the proposals made to me for a reform of the internal administration. The most radical reform was that of January when I changed all the ministers except two. That resulted in a less compact, and therefore a weaker ministry than the preceding one. Defeatism among them was represented by Cini who foresaw that Italy could not resist beyond June. The effects of the reform lasted only a short time. Other internal measures, such as the appointment of new ministers for the ministries I temporarily held myself, along with the transfer of various problems to other organs, etc., should have happened after a military success, after that day which I called a "sunny day", but that day did not come.
The people waited for it, putting everything else in second place, even the equally difficult problem of food.
Even the nomination of Scorza initially aroused some interest, but then circumstances dismounted him. The speech on May 5th was too long and bleak, and lacked effect due to the loss of Tunisia. Other measures of moral, organizational or disciplinary character were little observed or not observed at all. The effect of the radio speech of July 18th was nullified by the bombardment of Rome which followed immediately after.
The people, who expected at least a halt to the enemy's advance, were not satisfied with the "points" that Scorza continued to make. Even in Fascist circles there were mild doubts about Scorza's directives, and I myself began to wonder about his loyalty. One victorious day on land, in the air, or at sea, would have consolidated the situation once again. This was demonstrated by the enthusiasm on July 10th and 11th when a rumor spread that the landing had been repulsed. A rumor confirmed by the celebrated and shameful bulletin of July 12th, which was contradicted in a terrifying way by the bulletin of the 13th, announcing the loss of Siracusa and Augusta. The fifth act of the drama began that day. The air was poisoned by accusations and counter-accusations. There was talk of treason by the admirals, first at Pantelleria, then at Augusta.
The "twelve" who should have made speeches in the principal Italian cities were dismounted by the defeat. Scorza summoned them to the Party headquarters to examine what ought to be done. Then nearly all of them came to me and an exchange of ideas took place, which had no practical consequence apart from my decision to convene the Grand Council. Friday and Saturday were spent drawing up the Order of the Day, getting signatures and preparing the attack, or rather the maneuver. Three or four people knew what they wanted and what would happen. The others understood nothing and did not even guess that that Order of the Day would imperil the existence of the Regime.
50. Of all the so-called "totalitarian" States that arose after 1918, the Turkish one seems to be the strongest. There is a single party in that country: that of the people, whose head is the President of the Republic.
51. It is possible that some foreign commentators may have been correct about the inconstancy of the Italian people in matters of political conviction.
52. August 16th. Great agitation this morning. My blood boils.
53. Today I am thinking of three men who came from the Italian Nationalist Association and gave Fascism the great light of doctrine, fervor of faith and realization of laws: Alfredo Rocco, Enrico Corradini and Forges Davanzati.
54. Will the "shrines" of the Case del Fascio be respected? Will people still remember the men who died for Fascism, such as Costantino Marina, Oscar Tellini, Walter Vannini, Borg-Pisani and countless others?
Was there a "conspiracy" against me? Yes. Otherwise there would be no explanation for the letter that Badoglio sent me on the night of July 25-26th through General Ferone in which he spoke of a "serious" plot against my person.
Since October 24, 1942, fortune turned its back on me. The celebrations of the 20th anniversary of the March on Rome were disturbed by bombardments and enemy advance in Libya. I therefore postponed the speech I was supposed to give at the Adriano for which great preparations had been made. The speech to the Chamber on December 2nd was followed by unhappy events in Libya. On May 5th, at the last big meeting in front of the Palazzo Venezia, I said we would return to Africa, and at that moment we lost the last scrap of land on that continent in Tunisia. I reviewed the "M" Division on July 10th, the very day the enemy landed in Sicily. The first bombing of Rome occurred while I was talking to the Führer in Feltre. I will omit the list of other less characteristic blows after the change of fortune.
And yet I thought it would be pusillanimous to turn back. I hoped until the end to grab what they call the last hair on fortune's head. I hoped on July 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, and then I saw that every attempt was in vain.
My two meetings with Hitler in Venice were followed by unfortunate events.
55. August 17th. The sea looks like an alpine lake. An incredible uniformity weighs down on everything.
The past truly belongs to us. The past belongs to us with its good and its evil, its joys, its sorrows, and, according to Christian theology, not even God can abolish what has been.
I refuse to believe that they found 80 kilograms of gold in Farinacci's house. I had left Farinacci on the sidelines a bit lately because of his attitude as a Noble Father of Fascism, and because of his ostentatious Catonism.
There were two speeches in June, Delcroix's on the 5th and Gentile's on the 24th. Both were very good, but without effect because of the precipitation of military failures. And yet a bulletin even a little less displeasing than usual would have raised people's spirits again. But such bulletins grew increasingly rare.
In command of my escort is Lieutenant Taiolo from Segni in Latium, who has a brilliant military record. After being badly wounded at Tobruk he was witness to the inhuman treatment of our wounded and prisoners by the English, and since then he hates everything English. In 1935 he met Bruno and Vittorio who had volunteered at a very young age for the Air Force.
It was 8 years ago, on August 24th, that they went to Africa. Marshal Badoglio praised and promoted them. Those were the "years of sunshine" in Italian history and of the Regime: 1935-1936. It was worth living them, even if we are now surrounded by dust and rubble, and even if the authorities in Rome are not able to give me news of my son and nephew.
56. As I said in my book, Bruno's death was a favor of destiny; he would have been suffering today!
57. A voice says to me: if you were dead would not you have given up the Palazzo Venezia, the Villa Torlonia, the Rocca delle Caminate, and your relatives and friends and everything you hold dear to you? The voice does not consider that I have abandoned all this and am still alive. Yet it is as if I were dead. Eternal philosophy of the "ego".
So many died for Fascism! Will they be honored?
58. Today, August 17th, at 5 PM, the parish priest of La Maddalena, Don Capula, came to me at my request. He is Sardinian, living here for ten years, unconditionally esteemed by everyone as a priest and as an Italian. He told me he was thinking of me, and saluted me the first day he saw me on the terrace. I talked to him briefly about my problems and told him that his visits might help me overcome the grave moral crisis caused by the isolation, more than anything else. He replied that he was at my disposal and told me with great discretion: "Allow me to speak to you frankly. You have not always been great when in good fortune; so become great now in misfortune. It is from this that the world will judge you: by what you will be from this day onward, much less than by what you were up until yesterday. God, who sees all things, observes you, and I am sure that you will do nothing that could injure religious and Catholic principles, which you remember, even if new blows of fate should occur." I promised him. He will return again on Thursday afternoon. He also told me: "Many who have received your favors have forgotten you. Others feel respect for you, that kind that is due to one who has fallen, and perhaps a secret regret."
59. Lieutenant Faiola, who came from the Navy Command, told me that... [an English name; not given or not legible] told him in Rome that Eden had declared in the House of Commons that Libya would not be returned to Italy and that British Radio has accused Badoglio of "following in Mussolini's footsteps". And the same Radio also announced the occupation of Messina. August 17th closes with this sad news.
60. A month ago at Riccione I saw Romano, Anna, Guido and Adria for the last time. I arrived there at 7 PM. We all listened to Scorza's speech together, it was the last substantially good speech, but delivered in a uniform tone, monotonous and with almost despairing accents.
61. In the following lines I want to document the behavior of Dino Grandi, Count of Mordano, from the beginning of 1943 until the month of July. It may be of interest.
His attitude seemed clear until the end of February. But after the ministerial crisis it grew ambiguous. In some circles they called him "the fence-sitter". In other circles he was undoubtedly regarded as a friend of the English. This latter accusation was unjustified. At that time Grandi was often absent from Rome, staying instead in Bologna where he had bought the newspaper Il Resto del Carlino. Beyond that he had also purchased an industrial complex tied up with it, worth several million. At the beginning of March he asked me for an interview and wanted me to propose him for the Order of the Annunziata. He justified his request on the grounds of having been ambassador in London for many years and of having been President of the Chamber. I promised that I would speak to the King, and did so at one of the two weekly audiences that the Sovereign granted me every Monday and Thursday. His Majesty told me that the first reason advanced by Grandi was not sufficient but that the second was. As to the occasion, His Majesty said it could take place at the Feast of the Annunciation, which occurs on March 25th. And so it happened. The newspapers published the item without long comments. The President of the Senate, excluded from this honor, suffered from it as a loss of prestige.
At the beginning of April (the exact date can be found in the register of audiences that I kept strictly in order) I saw Grandi again and he thanked me with an effusion of words, literally saying to me: "Before meeting you I was a reporter for Il Carlino, a modest journalist. I am your creation. I owe everything to you, I owe you everything I have become in life. My devotion to you is unlimited, allow me therefore to tell you that I love you."
Was he sincere? In that moment I think he was, yes. I mentioned the services he rendered as an ambassador, as Minister of Foreign Affairs and as a Fascist. He went back to Bologna. I saw him again on May 5th in the Palazzo Venezia after Scorza's speech at the Adriano. He appeared radiant: "Duce. What a noble speech. We have all rediscovered ourselves. We have returned to the old atmosphere. We have found the right path", etc. Then he went back to Bologna and the accusations that he was a "fence-sitter" grew stronger again.
At the end of June he was in Ferrara for Scorza's commemoration of Balbo. Upon his return, Scorza said that Grandi did not want to take his place in the orator's tribune and had behaved all day with a reserved attitude. (While in London Grandi had violently slandered Balbo, even as to his personal courage.)
Now we come to July. During the week from the 11th to the 18th, Scorza chose twelve representatives of the Regime to speak in the main Italian cities. Grandi was also among those chosen. He telegraphed the Party and asked to be excused. Scorza repeated his request through the Federal Secretary. But the Federal Secretary telegraphed that Grandi absolutely refused to speak. Scorza wanted to take disciplinary measures against Grandi. I advised him not to and recommended he not make a "case" against Grandi at that moment.
Since Grandi in one of his letters to Scorza had mentioned the necessity of a "sacred union", I summoned Grandi and asked him what "sacred union" he meant; if, in other words, he was thinking of reviving the old parties which I had suppressed and bringing back their leaders. He told me he was thinking of a "sacred union" of all Italians to remove the party character from the war. "It is time", he said, "to have them stop saying this is Mussolini's war. This is everybody's war. It is time for the Crown to come out of its reserve. Our national territory has suffered an invasion and the Crown does not speak. The Crown avoids its duty. It ought to assume its responsibility. This is also and above all Vittorio Emanuele Ill's war. The country wants the Crown to come out of its reserved attitude and have the war assume its national character."
I explained to him that two parties grow up in all wars; those who want the war and those who do not want it. The war of 1915-18 was called the "interventionists' war". Today's war is called the Fascists' war. A sacred union between opposing elements is impossible. French attempts prove this. In France, at a given moment, Clemenceau rose above the "sacred union". The conversation was carried on in a cordial manner. But I had the distinct feeling that the man was already on the other side. He was already on the other side of the barricade.
Scorza spoke on the evening of July 18th. The following day, Grandi telegraphed Scorza from Bologna: "Your speech was magnificent; that is how the great men of the Risorgimento used to speak", etc.
In a later conversation—I do not recall the exact date, but it occurred at the start of the week of July 18th to the 25th—Grandi told me that Scorza also had "disappointed him and no longer pleased him". On Thursday and Friday he returned and begged me not to convene the Grand Council, yet at that same moment his "plan" was already decided. According to the last part of his Order of the Day, Grandi wanted to force the Crown to make a decision. Either the Crown would have accepted and thereby assumed responsibility for the war, or it would not have accepted and thereby demonstrated its weakness. The Crown chose the first alternative in this dilemma, with all that resulted from doing so, concerning which I do not, at this moment, wish to offer any consideration. At the Grand Council Grandi declared that this Order of the Day would remain secret. But in the morning all of Rome knew of it and had a feeling that something big was happening.
62. Since I am writing of the past, of the men who were close to me, I will also speak of Bottai, who is a valiant soldier and a keen writer. But all that he begins remains unfinished. As a politician he is restless, but also courageous. He is probably of mixed blood. His face is rather a mask. His gaze is often elusive and unclear as to the end. Enriched? It is said so, yes. He is not very popular. At the meeting of the old Fascists in Rome on April 21st he was booed, or almost booed.
When he left the ministry for which he had drawn up the "Schools Charter", he slammed the door behind him. A month later he came to me and said: "I can not go on doing nothing. I propose the following solutions: either Bevione's job at the National Insurance Institute, or Giordani's at the IRI, or an embassy temporarily." I replied: "You are not qualified to take Bevione's place, which he has a right to hold until June 15th. It seems like you got yourself into a quiet corner with 200,000 lire a year. As ex-minister of Corporations you are more suited to the IRI. But even starting with the fact that Ciordani has expressed no intention of retiring, too many billions are at stake. I prefer to look into the possibility of giving you an embassy, Berlin for example, where Alfieri has really exhausted himself."
He agreed. After a couple of months he came to me again and told me he had found another solution, namely the presidency of the Chamber, in view of the imminent end of the session. I replied that I preferred this solution to all the others, provided that Grandi would agree. Shortly thereafter Bottai came to me again with a short letter from Grandi in which the latter said he was happy that Bottai had been chosen as his successor. The rest is known.
63. In my life I have never had a "friend" and I have often asked myself whether this was an advantage or a disadvantage. Today I maintain it has been a good thing. In this way, many people are spared from "pitying me", that is, from "suffering with me".
64. I wonder if the memorials of Bruno are still on display and honored in the War Museum of Milan.
65. Albini, an error and a disappointment! Ugly in face and in soul. He knew everything and told me nothing.
66. On the morning of July 25th Bastianini called me to tell me that Goering wanted to come to Italy for my 60th birthday. I replied that it would be good. On the 30th Goering sent me a telegram, which was brought to Ponza by a major of the Carabinieri. I translate it as documentation:
"Duce! Since circumstances have not permitted me to personally bring you my good wishes as intended, I send them to you with this letter for your birthday, together with my deepest esteem. Moved by the feeling of sincere friendship and unconditional loyalty, I feel the need to thank you for the friendly reception which you have so often and so amicably given me in the past, and for the manifestations of unalterable friendship. My wife and I send you our best wishes for your personal well-being on your birthday. May the strength and personality of Your Excellency be used in the future for the benefit of the combatants of the European nations, despite the harsh trials and grave events of this epoch. As tangible evidence of my esteem, I send you a bust of Frederick the Great. With immutable comradeship and with the deepest and most cordial esteem and the sense of my unconditional loyalty, I remain your devoted Goering, Imperial Marshal of the Greater German Reich."This telegram has convinced me even more that Goering is a friend of Italy. I would have liked to reply to him, but have not done so because I did not want to give a necessarily banal response to such a moving and fraternal telegram.
67. So this will be my juridical position: ex-head of Government, in protective custody from the fury of the populace!
68. August 17th (1937 or 1938?): flight from Rome to Pantelleria and back.
69. It is difficult to measure the severity of the psychological trauma with which the young people of the Italian Youth of the Littorio (GIL) were struck on the night of July 25-26th. The trauma must have been especially hard on the male Academy of the Farnesina and on the female branch in Orvieto, as well as on the pre-military institutes of the Army in Brindisi, Venice, Forli and Bolzano, which were organizations with perfect discipline and which had reported great successes. These young people were admired by nearly all the European nations; they had put on unforgettable sporting and gymnastic events, and the Young Fascist Division gave splendid proofs of its military valor from Bir el Gobi to Mareth; they deserved to be treated with greater respect. This youth, which has suffered this unforeseen shock: where will they go tomorrow? To the left? Toward extremist ideas? Or, distrustful and disappointed, believe in nothing and in no one?
70. A marshal, a certain Daini from Ciociaria, came back from the peninsula and I talked to him for a little while. He is a frank individual, of modest intellectual gifts, and therefore his words have a certain basis. He said there is a strengthening of the subversive movement. The people are discouraged and want only one thing: to end the war at any cost. The villages of Latium are full of "displaced people from Rome".
71. Among the modest men who have served me I want to mention two of them: Ridolfi and Navarra. The first rode beside me every morning for almost twenty years. He was a conscientious fencing master and riding master, non-calculating, faithful in the true sense of the word. I wonder if they have arrested him? Navarra was my first usher for twenty years, well-educated, discreet, respectful and also non-calculating.
I want to say a word of praise also for my chauffeur Boratto, who risked his life by driving me during the assassination attempts. With the exception of a dog he struck in Montefiascone, he never had an accident despite being forced to speed.
72. After naming the men, why not also remember the animals? They also had a place in my life. The names of my horses: Rusovitch, Ziburoff, Ned, Thiene, Eron (a gift from Dolfuss). And the dogs: Carlot (very ugly but very intelligent); Bruno's dog was named Bar. In Riccione he laid for several days in front of the room where Bruno's belongings were. The loyalty of an animal!
73. August 19th. My passion week, if I may be permitted to call it that, began exactly a month ago with my meeting with the Führer in Feltre. The meeting should have lasted four days like the earlier one in Salzburg. Feltre had been chosen for security reasons and because of its proximity to the border. The date was not fixed. Because of the events in Sicily, July 19th was chosen, and the duration of the meeting was determined in one day. Too short to examine the situation in general or in detail. The bureaucracy insisted on Feltre, although the meeting could very well have taken place in the Prefecture of Treviso, thus saving four hours. Bureaucracy is not capable of this intellectual gymnastic. I started the flight at 7 AM, on the morning of the 19th from Riccione, and punctually arrived at Treviso Airport at 8:30. I found the usual assembly of officials and aviators, fairly grey. Shortly thereafter some German airplanes arrived with officers from the Führer's entourage, among them Marshal Keitel.
The Führer arrived at 9:00 precisely. He reviewed the unit and then we headed toward the station. We took the train and about an hour later arrived at Feltre. From there we continued by car to the villa chosen for the meeting, Senator Gaggia's villa, a labyrinth of halls and smaller rooms, the memory of which is a nightmare. We arrived after another hour in an open car under a burning sun, and during the ride I exchanged a few words of no importance with the Führer.
The talk started at 12:00. Keitel, General Warlimont and other German officers were present, along with Ambassador Mackensen; on the Italian side there was General Ambrosio and his interpreter, Bastianini and Alfieri. The Führer spoke first and talked for two hours. His words were stenographed and the complete text of the speech can be found in the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He had hardly began to speak when my secretary came into the room and handed me a note from Rome with the following contents: "Rome is being heavily bombed; it began at eleven o'clock." I communicated the news to the Führer and to those present. The atmosphere grew oppressive and sad, and became even more sad later after telephone communications informed us of the exceptionally long duration of the attack, of the great number of aircraft and of the very serious damage done to the University and the Church of San Lorenzo.
After the Führer's statements, our first exchange of opinions between the two of us took place: 1) the submarine war would be resumed with new means; 2) at the end of August a retaliatory air fleet would start operations against London, which would be wiped off the face of the earth in a week.
I told him, among other things, that while awaiting these reprisals, Italy's the defense ought to be strengthened in every way. I was again called and more news was communicated to me; in the meantime the hour of departure arrived. It was only during the hour passed in the train that I told him plainly that during this time Italy had to support the total weight of two empires like Great Britain and the United States, and that we risked being crushed under that weight, and that the bombardments of cities not only shook the people's morale but severely damaged the war production and gravely disturbed the whole social life of the country. I told him once again that the African campaign would have gone differently if we had not air superiority, but at least an air force equal to that of the enemy. I said moreover that the spiritual tension inside the country had become great and dangerous. He told me that the Italian crisis was a crisis of direction, and that he would send further air reinforcements and new divisions for the defense of the peninsula. He declared that Italy's defense is of maximum interest for Germany as well. The tone of the talk was always very friendly and we parted in a comradely manner. Then the Führer's plane took off. While I was accompanying Keitel to his plane, I said to him: "Send everything we need and send it right away; keep in mind that we are in the same boat!"
At 6 PM I flew directly to Rome. I slowed down over Monte Soratte and noticed a great cloud on the horizon. It was the smoke from the burning of the Littorio Station, which I flew over a few minutes later. Hundreds of railway cars were burning, walls were destroyed, the airport was unusable. The situation was the same at the locomotive depot and in the district of San Lorenzo. The damage seemed enormous. The prefect and some other people were present at my landing. I went to Villa Torlonia. On the way I met a number of people heading for the countryside on foot and with every possible means of locomotion. The city looked gloomy. Long queues of people crowded around the fountains as the water mains were broken. That evening, from Villa Torlonia, the glow of the fires could still be seen in the sky. Rome had lived a frightening day of iron and fire, which had destroyed every illusion and created a situation full of uncertainties.
In the following days I visited some of the most heavily-damages places, especially the airport and Littorio Station, the Ciampino Airport and the Città Universitaria, but I gave orders not to discuss this in the newspapers.
In the meantime the enemies of the Regime had spread rumors that the meeting at Feltre had been fruitless, that Germany was abandoning us, and that after the conquest of Sicily the English would land in Rome almost without opposition. All these rumors increased the nervous tension which was already close to collapse. The same state of mind dominated the Court. This was confirmed to me during my penultimate conversation with the King. The last one took place at Villa Savoia on the 25th.
74. This morning, August 19th, Admiral Brivonesi, whom I had most anxiously awaited, returned from Rome and broke my isolation by bringing me a letter from my wife dated August 13th. My wife told me that she also is practically isolated, has no telephone, and lives in a constant state of alarm. I do not know if this is because of air raids or for other reasons. The admiral also brought me a large box containing the complete works of Nietzsche, marvelously bound. These are 24 volumes sent to me by the Führer for my 60th birthday, through Marshal Kesselring. Lastly, Admiral Brivonesi told me, in a letter sent to me by Lieutenant Faiola, that Vittorio had gone abroad and been declared a deserter, which caused me great pain; he said that Vito was at La Rocca and has not been able to get to Mercato Saraceno, which might mean that the authority of the new Regime in Romagna is dubious; and he said that Il Popolo d'ltalia is no longer being published in Milan. Personal documents and books from Palazzo Venezia will be handed over to me. Nothing new as to my personal position.
75. Here ends the first notebook of "Pontine and Sardinian Thoughts".
August 19, 1943, at 3 PM.
M.
