First Speech in the Chamber as Prime Minister
By Benito Mussolini
I have the honour of announcing to the Chamber that his Majesty the King, by a Decree of 31st October, has accepted the resignations of the Hon. Luigi Facta from the office of President of the Council and of his colleagues, Minister and Under-Secretaries of State, and has asked me to form the new Ministry. On the same day His Majesty has appointed me President of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the Interior and of Foreign Affairs, and has appointed the following ministers:
Minister of the Colonies, the Hon. Dr. Luigi Federzoni, member of Parliament; Minister of Justice and the Affairs of Worship, the Hon. Aldo Oviglio, member of Parliament; Minister of Finance, the Hon. Prof. Alberto De Stefani, member of Parliament; Minister of the Treasury, the Hon. Prof. Vincenzo Tangorra, member of Parliament; Minister of War, the Hon. Gen. Duke Armando Diaz, Senator of the Kingdom; Minister of the Navy, the Hon. Admiral Paolo Thaon di Revel, Senator of the Kingdom; Minister of Public Education, the Hon. Prof. Giovanni Gentile, Senator of the Kingdom; Minister of Public Works, the Hon. Prof. Gabriello Carnazza, member of Parliament; Minister of Agriculture, the Hon. Giuseppe De Capitani d'Arzago, member of Parliament; Minister of Industry and Trade, the Hon. Count Teofilo Rossi, Senator of the Kingdom; Minister of Labour and Welfare, the Hon. Stefano Cavazzoni, member of Parliament; Minister of Post and Telegraphs, the Hon. Dr. Duke Giovanni Antonio Colonna di Cesarò, member of Parliament; Minister of the Lands Vacated by the Enemy, the Hon. Giovanni Giuriati, member of Parliament.
Gentleman, I perform today in this hall an act of formal deference towards you for which I do not expect any special gratitude.
For many years—for too many years—crises in the Government took place and were solved by more or less tortuous and underhand manoeuvres, so much so that a crisis came to be regarded as an assault, and the Ministry was caricatured in the comic papers as a wobbly mail coach. Now, for the second time in the brief space of seven years, the Italian people, or rather the best part of it, has overthrown a Ministry and formed for itself an entirely new Government from outside, regardless of every Parliamentary designation.
Exaltation of the Fascist Revolution
The seven years of which I speak lie between the May of 1915 and the October of 1922. I shall leave to the gloomy zealots of super-Constitutionalism the task of discoursing, more or less plaintively, about all this.
I maintain that the Revolution has its rights; and I may add, so that everyone may know, that I am here to defend and give the greatest value to the Revolution of the "Black Shirts," inserting it intrinsically in the history of the Nation as an active force in development, progress and the restoration of equilibrium. I could have carried our victory much further, and I refused to do so. I imposed limits upon my action and told myself that the truest wisdom is that which does not forsake one after victory. With 300,000 young men, armed to the teeth, ready for anything and almost mystically prompt to obey any order of mine, I could have punished all those who have slandered and thrown mud at Fascism. I could have made a bivouac of this gloomy grey hall; I could have shut up Parliament and formed a Government exclusively of Fascists; I could have done so, but I did not wish to do so, at least not at this moment.
Our adversaries remained in their shelters and then quietly issued forth and obtained their freedom, of which they are already taking advantage to set traps for us and slander us, as at Carate, Bergamo, Udine and Muggia.
The Decisive Will of the Government
I have formed a Coalition Government, not with the intention of obtaining a Parliamentary majority, with which at the moment I can perfectly well do without, but in order to gather together in support of the suffering Nation all those who, over and above questions of party and section, wish to save her.
From the bottom of my heart I thank all those who have worked with me, both Ministers and Under-Secretaries; I thank my colleagues in the Government, who wished to share with me the heavy responsibilities of this hour; and I cannot remember without pleasure the attitude of the Italian working classes, who indirectly encouraged and strengthened the Fascists by their solidarity, active or passive. I believe also that I shall be giving expression to the thoughts of a large part of this assembly, and certainly of the majority of the Italian people, if I pay a warm tribute to our Sovereign, who, by refusing to permit the useless reactionary attempts made at the eleventh hour to proclaim martial law, has avoided civil war and allowed the fresh and ardent Fascist current, newly arisen out of the war and exalted by victory, to pour itself into the worn-out arteries of the parliamentary State.
Before arriving here we were asked on all sides for a programme. It is not, alas, programmes that are wanting in Italy, but men with the will to carry them out. All the problems of Italian life—all, I say—have long since been solved on paper; but the will to put these solutions into practice has been lacking. The Government today represents that firm and decisive will.
Foreign Policy: The Treaty of Rapallo and the Santa Margherita Agreement
Our foreign policy is what chiefly concerns us at the present moment. I shall speak of it now, as I think that what I am going to say will dispel many apprehensions. I shall not touch upon all the questions connected with the subject, because, in this sphere as in all others, I prefer actions to words. The fundamental principle upon which our foreign policy is based is that treaties of peace, once signed and ratified, must be carried out, no matter whether they are good or bad. A self-respecting State cannot follow any other course. Treaties are not eternal or irreparable; they are chapters and not epilogues in history; to put them into practice means to try them. If in the course of execution they are proved to be absurd, that in itself constitutes the possibility of a further examination of the respective positions. I shall bring before the consideration of Parliament both the Treaty of Rapallo and the Agreements of Santa Margherita, which are derived from it.
European Economic Reconstruction
Having established that treaties, when once perfected and ratified, must be loyally carried out, I shall go on to establish another fundamental principle, which is the rejection of all the famous "reconstructive" ideologies. We admit that there is a kind of economic union or interdependence among European countries. We admit that this economic life must be reconstructed, but we refuse to think that the methods hitherto adopted will succeed in doing so. Commercial treaties concluded between two Powers—the basis of the closest economic relations between nations—are of more value in the reconstruction of the European economic world than all the complicated and confused general plenary conferences, whose lamentable history everybody knows.
As far as Italy is concerned, we intend to follow a policy which will be dignified and at the same time compatible with our national interests. We cannot allow ourselves the luxury of a policy of foolish altruism, or of complete surrender to the desires of others. Do ut des. For Italy today has a new importance which must be reckoned with adequately, and this fact is beginning to be recognised beyond her boundaries. We have not the bad taste to exaggerate our powers, but neither do we wish to belittle them with excessive and unnecessary modesty.
My formula is simple: "Nothing for nothing." Those who wish to have concrete proofs of friendship from us must give us the same.
Italy and the Allies
Fascist Italy, just as she does not intend to repudiate treaties for many reasons—political, moral and economic, she does not intend, either, to abandon the Allies of war. Rome is in line with London and Paris; but Italy must assert herself and impose upon the Allies that severe and courageous examination of conscience which has not been faced by them from the time of the Armistice up to the present day.
Does an Entente still exist in the full sense of the word? What is the position of the Entente with regard to Germany and Russia? With regard to an alliance between these two countries? What is the position of Italy in the Entente, of the Italy who, not solely by reason of the weakness of her governors, lost strong positions in the Adriatic and the Mediterranean; Italy, who did not obtain any colonies nor raw materials; Italy, who is literally crushed under the load of debts incurred in order to achieve the common victory, and whose most sacred rights, even, were held in question? In the conversations I intend to have with the Prime Ministers of England and France, I intend to face clearly and in its entirety the complex problem of the Entente and Italy's position within it.
"Peace, Not Suicide!"
As a result of this, one of two scenarios will arise; either the Entente, finding a way of settling her internal anguish and contradictions, will become truly solid homogeneous bloc, with evenly distributed forces, with equal rights and equal duties, or her hour will have struck, and Italy, regaining her freedom of action, will turn loyally with a new policy to the work of safeguarding her interests.
I hope that the first eventuality will be realised, particularly in view of the new uprising in the East and the growing intimacy between Russia, Turkey and Germany. But, however it may be, we must once and for all get beyond conventional phrases. It is time, in fact, to abandon diplomatic expedients, which are renewed and repeated at every conference, in order to deal directly with historical fact, by which alone it is possible to decide one way or another the course of events. Our foreign policy, which aims at protection of our national interests, respect of treaties and the settling of our position in the Entente, cannot be described as adventurous or imperialist, in the vulgar sense of the word. We want to follow a policy of peace, but not a policy of suicide.
Our Relations With Other Nations
In order to confound the pessimists who expected catastrophic results upon the advent of Fascism to power, it is enough to remind them that our relations with the Swiss are perfectly friendly, and that a commercial treaty, already in the process of formation, will further contribute towards strengthening them when it is completed; that they are perfectly correct as regards Yugoslavia and Greece; we are on good terms with Spain, Czechoslovakia, Poland and Romania, and the other Baltic States, where of late Italy has gained a great deal of sympathy, and where we are trying to make commercial agreements; and on equally good terms with the other States.
As far as Austria is concerned, Italy will keep faith as regards her promises, and will not neglect to enter into economic relations with her as well as with Hungary and Bulgaria.
We maintain, as regards Turkey, that what is now a fait accompli ought to be recognised as such at Lausanne, with the necessary guarantees as to trade in the Straits, European interests and the interests of the small Christian communities. The situation which has arisen in the Balkans and in Islam is going to be carefully watched. When Turkey has got what she deserves she must not try to obtain more. There will come a day when we must have the courage to say to Turkey, "Thus far and no further!" The danger of complications in the Balkans, and in consequence in Europe in general, can only be avoided by firmness, which will have an increased effect in proportion to the loyalty of the Allies' conduct. We must not forget that there are 44,000 Mohammedans in Romania, 600,000 in Bulgaria, 400,000 in Albania, and 1,500,000 in Yugoslavia; a world which the recent victory of the Crescent has exalted, at least secretly.
For a Final Solution With Russia
As far as Russia is concerned, Italy believes that the moment has come to face the question of her relations with that country in its present reality; but this apart from their internal conditions, with which we, as a Government, do not wish to interfere, since in our turn we shall admit of no foreign interference in our own domestic affairs. In consequence we are disposed to consider the possibility of a final solution. As regards the presence of Russia at Lausanne, Italy has supported the most liberal point of view and does not despair of its eventual triumph, although thus far she has only been invited to discuss the single question of the Dardanelles.
Our relations with the United States are very good, and I shall make it my care to see that they are improved, especially as regards a close economic cooperation. A commercial treaty with Canada is on the point of being signed. We are on cordial terms with the republics of Central and South America, and especially with Brazil and with Argentina, where millions of Italians live. They must not be denied the possibility of taking part in the local political life around them, which will not estrange them from, but rather bind them all the closer to their Fatherland.
As for economic and financial problems, Italy will maintain in the approaching conference at Brussels that debts and reparations form an indivisible binomial.
In order to carry out this policy of dignity and regard for our national interests, we need to have at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs a central staff competent to deal with the new necessities of our national consciousness and of the increased prestige of Italy in the world.
Internal Politics: "Economy, Labour, Discipline"
The line we shall follow as regards national policy can be summed up in three words: economy, labour and discipline. The financial problem is a fundamental one, and the balancing of the State budget must be accomplished as soon as possible by a regime of careful administration, intelligence in the use of expenditure, the utilization of all the productive forces of the Nation and the removal of the trappings of war. For further information as regards the financial question, which, though serious, is susceptible to rapid improvement, I refer you to my colleague Tangorra, who will give you information when the financial measures are discussed.
He who talks of work, talks of the productive bourgeoisie and the working classes in the towns and in the fields. It is not a question of privileges for the first or of privileges for the second, but of the protection of all the interests which are in accordance with those of production and those of the Nation. The proletariat which works, and whose well-being concerns us, though not from weak demagogic motives, has nothing to fear, nothing to lose and everything to gain from a financial policy which preserves the balance of the State and prevents bankruptcy, which would have a disastrous effect, especially among the humbler classes.
Our policy as regards emigration must free itself of an excessive paternalism, while, at the same time, the Italian citizen who emigrates must know that his interests will be securely guarded by the representatives of the Nation abroad. The growth of the prestige of a nation in the world is in proportion to the discipline it shows at home. There is no doubt that the internal condition of the country has improved, but it is not yet as I should like to see it. I do not intend to indulge myself in easy optimism. I am no lover of Pangloss. In the big cities, and in all the towns in general, there is peace; instances of violence are sporadic and peripheral; but, at the same time, these also must cease. The citizens, no matter to what party they belong, shall have freedom of movement; all religions shall be respected, with particular regard to the dominant faith, Catholicism; statutory liberties shall not be infringed and the law shall be enforced at all costs!
Reminder to Italians
The State is strong and will prove its power equally against all, even against Fascist illegalism, because it would now be irresponsible illegality and no longer have any justification. I must add, however, that almost all the Fascists have perfectly submitted to the new order of things. The State does not intend to abdicate for anyone, and whoever opposes the State must be punished. This explicit statement is a warning to all citizens, and I know it will be particularly pleasing to the Fascists, who have fought and won in order to have a State which would make itself felt in every direction with inexhaustible energy. It must not be forgotten that, besides the minority who represent actual militant politics, there are forty millions of excellent Italians who work, who by their splendid birth-rate perpetuate our race, and who ask, and have the right to obtain, freedom from the chronic state of disorder which is the sure prelude to general ruin. Since sermons, evidently, are not enough, the State will place the armed forces it has at its disposal in order by a process of selection and improvement. The Fascist State will form a perfectly organized and united police force, of great mobility and with a high moral standard; while the Army and Navy—glorious and dear to every Italian heart—withdrawn from the vicissitudes of Parliamentary politics, reorganized and strengthened, will represent the last reserve of the Nation both at home and abroad.
Full Powers
Gentlemen, from the last communication issued you will learn what the Fascist programme is in detail with regard to each individual Ministry. I do not wish, as long as it is possible to avoid it, to govern against the wishes of the Chamber; but the Chamber must understand the peculiar position it holds, which makes it liable to dismissal in two days or in two years. We ask for full powers, because we wish to take full responsibility. Without powers you know perfectly well that not a penny—a penny I say—would be saved. By this we do not intend to exclude the possibility of voluntary cooperation, which we shall cordially accept, whether it be from deputies, senators or single competent citizens. We have, every one of us, a religious sense of the difficulty of our task. The country encourages us and waits. We shall not give you further words but facts. Let us solemnly and formally pledge ourselves to balance the budget, and we shall do it.
For the Greatness of the Fatherland!
We wish to have a foreign policy of peace, but, at the same time, it must be dignified and firm; and we shall have it. None of our enemies, past or present, need childishly and foolishly deceive themselves about the rapidity of our advent to power. Our Government has a formidable foundation in the consciousness of the Nation, and is supported by the best elements of our fresh Italian generations. There is no doubt that in these last days an enormous step has been taken towards spiritual unity. The Italian Fatherland has found herself again, from the north to the south, from the mainland to those generous islands which shall no more be forgotten, from the metropolis of Rome to the industrious colonies of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. Gentlemen, do not throw useless words at the Nation; fifty-two requests to speak on my lists is too much. Let us work, rather, with pure hearts and ready minds to assure the prosperity and the greatness of the Fatherland.
And may God assist me to carry my arduous task to a victorious end.
(Loud applause. Many deputies come down to congratulate the Prime Minister.)
