By Benito Mussolini
Comrades!
During these past few days an important event has taken place which has changed the political map of Europe: Austria has ceased to exist as a State; she has become a part of Germany. The plebiscite of April 10th will confirm this fait accompli.
The Austrian drama did not begin yesterday, but in 1848, when tiny but spirited Piedmont dared to defy the Habsburg colossus of that time. The drama was accelerated after the World War and has lasted twenty years. Its epilogue has taken place at a rapid speed under the influence of irresistible natural forces and has only surprised those who are absent-minded or ignorant.
A quick review of the past twenty years clearly shows that what has occurred was necessarily bound to occur. In spite of the paper barriers of the Treaties, the river would have reached its mouth.
The birth of the Austrian Federal State dates back to November 12, 1918, a few days before the dissolution of the Habsburg Empire. With its first vote, the Austrian Federal Constitution, under the Socialist Government of Bauer-Renner, declared that Austria was an integral part of Germany with the name "Republic of German-Austria". But it went still further: many Austrian provinces voted immediately in spontaneous plebiscites for annexation to Germany, with the exception of Vorarlberg which expressed itself in favour of union with Switzerland. The Weimar Constitution of the German Social Democratic Republic of August 1919 said:
"The territory of the Reich comprises the territory of the German 'Lander'. Other territories can combine with it if their populations express their wish to do so."Article 61 of the Constitution expressly stated that, after union with Germany, Austria had the right to take part in the Reichsrat with a number of deputies proportionate to her population. It is therefore established that at may be called the beginning of Socialist-Democratic rule, the idea existed both in Weimar and in Vienna that the union of the two countries into one country was a logical development.
Then came the Peace Treaties: first that of Versailles and then that of St. Germain, which—it must be stated—forced Austria to remain independent. But this imposition appeared from the outset so absurd and at the same time so precarious that a door was left open for the future: Austria could "abandon her independence"—an unprecedented occurrence in the history of nations—only with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations.
It is in this way that Austria begins its life as an independent State, under the internal domination of social democracy. The Social Democrats were followed by the Social Christians under Seipel, who was, however, also unable to improve the political and economic situation of the country. Austria practically fell under the mercy of material and moral chaos and under the guardianship—and not only the financial guardianship—of the League of Nations.
This lasted until October 1, 1926 when Seipel again came into power with the formula: "Austria is a German State; it is not against Germany".
Three years of disorder, intrigue and misery followed until Schober assumed power in the autumn of 1929. It is with the advent of Schober that Italy's policy regarding Austria begins, a policy which was confirmed in a Treaty of Friendship and Arbitration signed at Rome by Schober himself on February 6, 1930.
This brings us to the time of the world crisis which had tremendous repercussions on the fragile Austrian economy. The idea of the Anschluss again arises in the Curtius-Schober plan of an Austro-German Customs Union. This plan immediately encountered the opposition of France and Czechoslovakia. The Permanent Court at the Hague declared it to be incompatible with the independence of Austria and the plan therefore failed.
The situation in Austria did not improve. Italy then directly intervened to revive Austria's economy with the conclusion of the Semmering Agreement.
In January 1933 National Socialism came to power in Germany. In March 1933 Dollfuss formed a government and gave it an authoritarian character, while stating that Austria was an "independent Christian State, but a German State". The struggle began between the Government and the National Socialist movement. Dolfuss was forced to energetically suppressed the Socialist uprising of February 1934.
A few months later, the National Socialist "putsch" breaks out in Vienna. I gave orders for the four divisions of Alto Adige to march to the Brenner. It was a mere precautionary measure, in view of the bloody, sudden and unpredictable events which might arise. No Austrian asked us to do so, and no Austrian has ever thanked us for doing so.
The years 1934 to 1936 were governed by the policy of the Rome Protocols. In the meantime, the general political situation of Europe and Austria were fundamentally changed. The diplomatic solidarity of Italy with the Western Powers was broken by the sanctions and by the admitted attempt to strangle the Italian people.
In October 1936 the Rome-Berlin Axis was formed. In Austria, in spite of persecution, the National Socialist movement developed very rapidly, not only as a result of a community of ideas but also as a result of the growing political and military power of Germany.
It was at this moment that Italy advised Austria to move closer to Germany, because a State that calls itself German cannot exist in an anti-German function. That was a historical, political and moral absurdity.
The German-Austrian agreement of July 1936 was reached with the approval of Italy, and in it Austria proclaimed herself to be a German State.
In spite of this agreement, a new period of tension began. In 1937 in Venice I made it perfectly clear to the Chancellor [Schuschnigg] that the independence of Austria was above all a question that concerned the Austrians and that the Rome-Berlin Axis was the foundation of Italian foreign policy.
The meeting of February 12th between the two Chancellors was the last attempt to arrive at a compromise, which would have perhaps delayed—but certainly would not have prevented—the final solution.
Hitler's speech of February 20th and Schuschnigg's speech of the 24th were followed by the sudden announcement of the plebiscite. On March 7th at noon, one of Schuschnigg's representatives asked me for my opinion on this plebiscite. I replied quite categorically that I considered it a mistake and that this was a tool which would fly out of his hands.
It would be in bad taste for me to boast of this too easy prediction.
Now in diplomatic and journalistic circles throughout the whole world regrets, polemics and warnings are raging: a pile of useless words which can not stop history.
More or less official quarters on the other side of the Alps ask us why we did not intervene in order to "save" the independence of Austria. Our reply is that we have never assumed any such obligation, neither directly nor indirectly, through any written or verbal agreement.
The Austrians, it must be emphasized, have always shown an understandable hesitation in asking us for military help in defense of Austria's independence, because they knew we would have replied that an independence which requires foreign military assistance against the great majority of its own people is no longer independence. Moreover, those who know the Austrians will know that if we had intervened, the first resistance against our intervention would have come from the Austrians themselves.
Italy's interest in the independence of the Austrian Federal State existed, certainly; but it was based on the preliminary condition that the Austrians desired such independence, at least as far as the majority of them were concerned. But the events of the last few days in Austria have shown that the profound desire of the people was for the Anschluss.
To those remaining people who cultivate a degenerate Machiavellianism, which we repudiate, it may be observed that when an event is unavoidable, it is better that it should occur with you rather than in spite of you, or even worse: against you. In reality it is a national revolution that has occurred. We Italians are best able to understand it in its historical necessities and also in its methods, which seem hasty, as is the case with all revolutions.
Allow me to remind you, dear gentlemen, that we did the same thing between 1859 and 1861.
After the peace of Villafranca, Italy was shaken by an unstoppable unitary impulse like never before. Cavour, the great authoritarian Cavour, channeled it with this system: a) motions of the people (it would be better to say motions of minorities) who wish to escape from the ancien régime governments; b) the intervention of Piedmontese troops, who were not considered troops of an invading army, but rather national troops and as such were enthusiastically welcomed by the populations; c) occupation of said territories; d) and finally plebiscites.
And all this took place with fantastic speed, even faster than the speed of today's Austrian events. The Marche region was occupied by Piedmontese troops in September 1860 and a plebiscite was held in October; Garibaldi entered Naples on September 7, 1860 and a plebiscite was held on the following October 21st; the nationalists entered Rome on September 21st and a plebiscite was called ten days later.
Between 1859 and 1861, with demonstrations of the people, with military occupations and with plebiscites, the Kingdom of Italy was born.
Here the matter leads me to remind those forgetful people that the first military alliance of the young kingdom of Italy was with Prussia in the year 1866, an alliance which resulted—through Sadowa and the heroic but indecisive battle of Custoza—in the cession of Veneto.
There are individuals in the world who are so superficial, so opaquely ignorant of Fascist Italy and its conditions, who think they can impress us with the total figure of the millions of Germans and their presence on our frontiers.
First of all, today's Italy is not so easily impressed. During the African war, 52 States did not succeed in impressing us. Italy has an iron will and strong courage and marches directly forward.
We are so little impressed that we calmly admit that in a few years—solely as a result of the natural increase in the population—while we shall have 50 million, there will be 80 million Germans, not only on one frontier but on ten frontiers; of these, the Italo-German frontier is an inviolable frontier between two friendly peoples. In this regard, the Führer has always been categorical, even before he came to power. This attitude caused him to be foolishly attacked by his opponents.
For us Fascists, all frontiers are sacred. They are not discussed: they are self-defended.
While the fifth act of the Austrian drama was being played in the last few days, the opponents of Fascism hoped that the opportunity had come to set the two totalitarian States against each other and to break their solidarity through a conflict which would be the prelude to a new World War. This calculation on the part of the democracies, the Masonic Lodges and of the Third International was false. The hope was simply childish. It was also offensive, because it cast doubt on our character and our political intelligence.
But why should I not say it? Millions of Germans were also in suspense. It was time for what may be called the "testing of the Axis". The Germans know today that the Axis is not a diplomatic construction which only functions under normal conditions; they know that it has proved to be solid, especially in this exceptional period of German and European history.
The two Nations whose unitary formation ran parallel both in time and manner, united as they are in their conception of politics and life, can now march together in order to give our tortured continent a new equilibrium, one which will finally permit the peaceful and fruitful collaboration of all peoples.
