Sunday, 4 March 2012

Speech in Trieste, September 18, 1938


By Benito Mussolini

Dear men and women of Trieste!

This is the fourth time that I have had the fortune, the honor and the pleasure of speaking to you. The first time was in December 1918, when in the aura of your city and in your souls there was still that visible and pulsating vibration of the great event that was accomplished with the Italian Victory.

I returned in 1920 and 1921, when we were tormented by the issues of a mediocre and in some respects crippled peace, while Triestine squadrism energetically and heroically cleansed your city from the many relics of the old regime.

I return to you today after many years, and from my very first glance I have already been able to recognize the great and powerful progress made by your Trieste—by our Trieste.

I did not come here to boost your morale, as certain cretinous foreign writers have foolishly printed. You do not need it (the crowd screams: "No! No!"), because your morale was always very high.

Nor have I come here to stress the interests and feelings of your city to the Italians, because the Italians for many generations have had the name of Trieste in their hearts.

I came here to witness your progress...

[...]

When in 1866 the young Kingdom of Italy, militarily allied with Prussia, stopped its borders at the Judrio river, it seemed to the superficial observer that the fate of Trieste was sealed. Sixteen years later, Trieste responded with the gesture of Oberdan, while irredentism inflamed the whole Italian youth.

In 1914 the dual monarchy rolled the dice, made a supreme gamble: they lost. Four long years we waited for you, dear Triestines, longer than the previous fifty years.

Victory came. You were politically reunited with Italy—I say politically, because you were already spiritually united at all times.

Once this historical position was cleared, your imperial background was shattered; but Trieste enthusiastically resumed the march with its spirit of initiative, with its maritime traditions, with its long preparation. What Trieste has done in the past twenty years is seen and admired by Italians and foreigners alike.

In March 1938 a fatal event took place [the Anschluss], which was outlined as early as 1878, as you well know. Millions of men wanted it, nobody opposed it. Trieste is now faced with this new situation, but Trieste is ready to face it and overcome it... Trieste relies on its strength; Trieste can not and never will turn its back on its sea.

People of Trieste!

There are moments in the life of peoples in which the men who lead them do not have to decline their responsibilities, but must fiercely assume them in full.

What I am about to tell you is not dictated solely by the policy of the Rome-Berlin Axis, or even by sentiments of friendship which binds us to the Magyars, the Poles, and to the nationalities of that country which one might describe as 'Mosaic State No. 2'.

What I am about to tell you is dictated by a sense of conscience that I would like to call European, rather than Italian. When the problems posed by history reach such a tormenting degree of complexity, their solution must be the one which is the simplest, most logical, most radical, the one that we Fascists call totalitarian.

The solution to the problem which is currently tormenting Europe has only one name: plebiscite. Plebiscites for all the nationalities that demand them, for the nationalities who were forced to join greater Czechoslovakia, which today demonstrates its inherent artificiality.

But another thing must be said: sometimes events move with the speed of an avalanche, and then it becomes necessary for immediate action to be taken in order to avoid disorders and complications.

The British Prime Minister must have realized this necessity when he dashed from London to Munich, a flying messenger of peace, because not only do delays not help the solution, but they make a fatal collision more certain. This solution, despite the campaign of Moscow, is already penetrating the heart of European peoples. We hope that in these last hours a peaceful solution will be reached. We wish also that if this is not possible, that the resulting conflict be limited and circumscribed.

But if this does not happen and a universal alliance is brought about for or against Prague, let it be known that Italy's position is already chosen.

With regard to domestic policy, the current burning issue is the racial question. Also in this field we will adopt the necessary solutions. Those who believe that we have obediently imitated anyone, or worse, acted on suggestions, are poor fools toward whom we do not know if we should direct our contempt or our pity.

The racial problem did not suddenly burst out of nowhere, as those who are accustomed to brusque awakenings think—since they are used to long armchair naps.

It is in relation to imperial conquest; because history teaches us that empires are conquered by arms, but are held by prestige. And for prestige it is necessary to have a clear, severe racial consciousness, that establishes not only the differences, but also very clear superiorities.

The Jewish problem is thus only one aspect of this phenomenon. Our position has been determined by these indisputable facts. World Jewry has been, for sixteen years, despite our policy, an irreconcilable enemy of Fascism. In Italy our policy has led, in the Semitic elements, to what can today be called a true rush to board the ship.

However, Jews of Italian citizenship who have unquestionable military or civil merit towards Italy and the Regime, will find understanding and justice. As for the others, a policy of separation is what awaits them.

When all is said and done, the world will perhaps be surprised more by our generosity than by our severity; that is, unless the Semites beyond our borders and within our country, and above all their powerful friends and defenders, force us to radically harshen our policy.

As concerns you in particular, dear people of Trieste, everything will be done to feed and upgrade your emporium, which is the second largest in Italy. (Very vivid applause). Work will be given to your workshops and shipyards, which have a well-deserved worldwide reputation.

But for us Fascists the source of all things is the eternal strength of the spirit; and that is why I proudly claim the privilege of achieving what was for many centuries an ideal of your city: a University, which will be completed in the coming years. Padua, which for many centuries was the only university of the Venetian people, in its vigilant patriotism, will be the one to offer the gonfalon to its new Julian sister.

Men and women of Trieste!

After what I have said, I now ask you: Are there any among you of Italian blood and soul (shouts: "All of us!") that can for a single moment—I repeat, for a single fleeting moment—doubt the future of your city (shouts: "No!") united under the symbol of the Lictor, which represents audacity, tenacity, expansion and power? (Shouts: "No!").

You must not ever get the impression that Rome—just because it is distant—is far away. No! Rome is here. It is present on your Hill and on your sea; it is present in the centuries that were and in the centuries that will be; here, with its laws, with its arms and with its King.