Speech to the New National Directorate of the Fascist Party, January 3, 1943

By Benito Mussolini

I chose January 3rd as the date for the inauguration of the new National Directorate for obvious reasons. January 3rd is a significant date. There are 365 days in a year, but often times 360 or 350 of those days are are normal, ordinary, and do not present anything significant beyond the narrow life of the individual. On the other hand, there are days in which an event happens, attentions are focused, developments are determined, situations are resolved. January 3, 1925 was one of those days.

The situation today has certain analogies with those of the second half of 1924. These analogies belong not to domestic affairs but to international. We are faced by an Aventine much more important than that of 1924, but containing the same elements and pursuing the same objectives. In order to discover what we ought to do we must critically examine the development of recent events in order to draw the necessary conclusions.

The first half of our current war shows the following characteristics. It took place in distant countries: in Ethiopia, in Africa, in Greece—always on the other side of the sea. There were only three days' fighting on the Western Front. The Italian people are therefore accustomed to a war which is not too close, and have acquired the habit of indifference under these circumstances. They have come to the conclusion that war will always be far off, that it will be fought and settled in areas which are distant from metropolitan territory.

All this changed after October 23, 1942, when the Supreme Command discussed the date in which the British would attack. I maintained that the attack would take place at the end of October, partly because the British would wish to exploit the fact that this would spoil the celebrations of our Twentieth Anniversary. That in fact is what happened.

In August 1942 the Italo-German offensive at El Alamein failed. Not because the soldiers failed to fight as splendidly as always. But we must remember that in war, victory is won or lost at sea rather than on land. We lost a very large number of tankers filled with oil, petrol and diesel—all necessary fuels, without which our motorized divisions cannot function. I predicted our difficulties on the day when a large oil tanker loaded with naphtha was sunk a few miles from Santa Maria di Leuca: several thousand tons were lost that day. That tanker was carrying the fuel which the Italo-German Command was anxiously waiting for, because without it they could not continue the attack.

On October 23 the British (I say British for the sake of brevity, but this term includes New Zealanders, Australians, Greeks, Czechoslovaks, French, etc.) took the initiative for the first time and obtained a success which they could never have had in the three preceding years. At the same time, the terroristic and "scientific" bombardment of our Italian cities began. All of this was planned in such a way so as to exert moral pressure on the Italian people at a time when there was a lack of success in the land war.

But the date of November 8th is still more important. On November 8th something happened which required no prophet, something which any ordinary observer of human affairs could have foreseen: North Africa was occupied by the North Americans. Only by deliberately deluding oneself could anyone have expected any effective result from showing political favour to France. France hated us, still hates us, and will continue to hate us until the end of time. Hence, the whole policy of "stowing" (as sailors call it) France is absolutely void of results. They were all fence-sitting, beginning with Pétain himself. If Pétain did not go to Algiers, perhaps it is because his age did not allow it. But in his heart of hearts he hoped and wished for an Anglo-Saxon victory. Everything was prepared for their landing; there was an absolutely open connivance declared by the French, with few exceptions. This November 8th landing had certain psychological effects even upon many Italians. In fact, many went into internal confinement after November 8th: between November 8th and 25th. Events had made these rather weak spirits lose their balance. It was thought that the Anglo-Americans would definitely reach Ostia within a few days.

Then the balance was restored because we responded to the Anglo-American move. We occupied all of France, Corsica and Tunisia. The occupation of France is important because at least in Metropolitan France all misunderstandings have ceased. France no longer has its metropolitan territory; it has no colonial territory; it has no gold; it has no Navy, no Army, no Air Force; it has nothing. The French people do not even possess its own soul, and this is perhaps its most serious loss because sometimes this means the final decline of a people.

How did it come about that the battle of El Alamein was lost? Because the other pincer arm was lacking. The German troops should have poured down from the Caucasus. But this was not possible because anyone who has some knowledge of geography knows that the valleys there run parallel to the sea, one after the other, and they needed to reach Batumi. Having failed in this strategic manoeuvre, it was clear that the battle was bound to end as it did.

Who will win the war? You will say: the people who are better armed. That is not enough. The people who have the greatest availability of raw materials? That is not enough. The people who have the best generals? That is not enough either. This war will be won by whichever Armed Forces that has the highest political conscience. The days of saying that the soldier should have nothing to do with politics are now over. It is a wrong assertion. It can be said that during the days when there were ten or fifteen parties, we could certainly not allow ten or fifteen different types of political propaganda to flow into the barracks. But now there is only one party and only one regime. And thus the Armed Forces must become ever more political, ever more Fascist. Without this we can not win. It takes Fascist soldiers to fight for Fascism. Because this is a war of religion and of ideologies. Today, all territorial objectives are secondary in importance. This does not mean that these objectives, although relegated to second place, are not always present. They are always present because they are part of the duel, and all the European nations that must recognize our need for vital living space.

But today's problem is a problem of ideologies. It is a genuine war of religion. Now religious wars are won by the most fanatical soldiers, i.e., those who believe more intensely than their adversary in the ideas they represent and defend. Of course other factors are also necessary, such as weapons, generals, the morale of the people. But what happens in Russia is indicative. In Russia, at least half of the soldiers fight because they are Communists and want to fight against Fascism. All their bulletins speak of "the war against Fascism"... And they inflame their soldiers by emphasizing two words: Communism and Fatherland, Fatherland and Communism. But perhaps the word Communism still prevails over the other. And this explains Stalingrad's resistance, the violence of the Russian attacks, and the contempt that the Russians have towards death. The mass of uniformed political activists are the ones who give yeast to the whole Russian Army. Add to this the rest of the army, comprised of warlike asiatic races, warriors by nature, and you will realize that what took place at Stalingrad is not at all surprising.

Of course, in terms of values, Axis values are prevalent and therefore, despite the ups and downs, the outcome is certain. We were misinformed, they were misinformed about Russia, but there is no doubt that Bolshevik propaganda had deeply impacted the masses of the Russian people. Now we are facing the year 1943, which will be a year of fundamental importance in Italian history. It will be a year in which the regime must show its strength and the Italian people must pass a very serious test. There is no doubt that the international Aventine will weigh its full forces against Italy. This too could be foreseen.

I have always regarded it as more important to occupy Egypt than to occupy England. If England were occupied, the problem would not be solved; but once that hinge of three continents known as Egypt had been occupied, and we had come down to the Indian Ocean, and had made contact with the Japanese, we should have broken the back of British Imperialism. This has not happened because each one holds ideas which derive from his historical situation. Ours has always been a Mediterranean one, the German a continental one. This was also necessary, because this has allowed us to take possession of huge areas rich in raw materials which we can use to prolong our resistance.

But there is no doubt that at a certain moment we must throw our weight towards the West because the war will be decided in the West, in the Mediterranean. We are therefore privileged to foresee that an enemy attack will be directed particularly against Italy. Why? Because they think that Italy is the weaker of the two allies, but particularly because the enemy counts on a failure of our morale. For this reason they thought that under enemy bombardment the people would at a certain moment show a desire for peace, any sort of peace, a separate peace. It is essential that everyone should be convinced, that every Fascist should be convinced, that this would be the most catastrophic solution and would dishonour us for centuries, and that the "generosity" of the Anglo-Saxons would not exist or would be precarious and temporary, because there are no illusions about the role that the Allies would reserve for Italy if they defeat us, because we were the initiators and the pioneers of this universal revolt against them. Now we take deep pride in all this, and therefore we are prepared to respond with our own blows those the blows that will be inflicted upon us.

I do not believe that they will try to open a land front against us. It is too late; we have already taken our measures. Therefore the enemy must seek a place where conditions are more favourable. I believe that it is probable that the Anglo-Saxon attack will take place in the Balkans.

Hitherto we have seen the following situation: a great power of resistance in Germany. From time to time there have been rumours in Italy about German morale; they always arise from a misunderstanding. Since there are no signs of enthusiasm in Germany, it is thought that the German people do not want victory. Now the German people, from the highest to the lowest, know what is at stake because it is clear that the Anglo-Saxons would tomorrow impose upon Germany those conditions which were imposed by the Treaty of Versailles; that is, Germany would be paralysed for generations. And projects that might seem crazy, such as deporting millions of Germans and sterilizing large numbers of them, are not as crazy as it may seem. There are many people who advocate such things. Let's not forget that at Versailles, Clemenceau posed the problem in these terms: he said that there are twenty million Germans too many in Europe. He did not say we must suppress them, but that is what he had in mind. Today there are forty million too many. German morale is therefore absolute, and I want to add that their attitude towards Italy is improving each day. We must not formalize certain incidents that occur mainly in the evening, after having drank some rather potent wine; sometimes there are some scuffles, some broken windows. None of that matters. Their police and our police immediately settle things.

As regards the German anti-aircraft batteries which have been sent to Italy and which have already proved excellent, Fascists must be friendly to these men who have come to live with us. Excessive obstinacy and susceptibility is a weakness, a truly negative trait of the Italian character; Italians never want to be helped by anyone. But this is going too far! England it is helped by twenty-six other nations! Russia is helped by England and the United States. And so we should keep calm and not allow our national pride to get the better of us, which would truly be a badly-calculated error.

We must recognize—because we are guided by objectivity—that even the English people are tough, determined, and have passed the trials of bombardment in a manner that must be acknowledged as positive. England was bombed for six or seven months. The data on German destruction in England was reported in a recent pamphlet entitled "On the Front Line": one and a half million houses, whole cities destroyed, such as Coventry and others. The Englishman is convinced that he is defending the sacred rights of human freedom and that he rests on a force that is the antithesis of genius: stupidity. There is no doubt that the great majority of English people are truly lacking in brains, slow in their own mental elaborations, and absolutely ignorant about the situation of other peoples. I bet there are still millions of Englishmen who value Italy only a little bit more than Portugal, but not much, and who, having seen Italian ice cream makers in Scotland, falsely think that this is one of our main industries. Now this massive stupidity is very powerful. It allows them to believe in the most absurd fables: we have documented many of these in our "Documentary of enemy stupidity". It's something that has been quite successful. I declare that I agree that it would not hurt to allow people to listen to foreign radio stations and I would permit it if I were not hostile to changing laws. I think there would be no danger if people were allowed to listen to British radio: what they say is so stupid that the majority of Italians, after listening to the radio for a few nights, would no longer want to listen; and moreover, since it would no longer be forbidden, it would no longer be of any special interest.

Another people whose morale can be absolutely guaranteed as a member of the Tripartite are the Japanese. The day when we no longer conduct a parallel war, as we are currently doing, but a war connected by sea and land, I believe that the contribution of the Japanese would be truly decisive. Japan has prepared itself for a long war. A very rich people, they have now equally weakened the enemy.

Russia, from the point of view of internal cohesion, is in a position that can be called good. They put emphasis on propaganda and repression. When the Germans were 30 kilometers from Moscow, there were a lot of people in Moscow ready to surrender and Stalin had them all shot: about ten to fifteen thousand. All those who trembled, who were vociferous, who cried: "The Germans are already at the Kremlin!", were shot without trial. Consequently, those who remain are are extremely resistant, either due to conviction or some other reason. Because they have no choice. A few days ago, the Bolshevik garrison in Moscow issued the following order of the day: "All officers of units that have lost a flag will be sent to the Military Tribunal". This is interesting. But the rest is more interesting. "Thus"—said this Bolshevik order of the day—"we continue the tradition inaugurated by Peter the Great, who obtained more than satisfactory results through these methods, so much so that at the battle of Borodino not a single flag was lost".

As far as morale is concerned, for the so-called Americans there is a huge journalistic and propaganda campaign in the United States; but I have the impression that Roosevelt's position is not as strong as it was some years ago. Those who call themselves non-participants and isolationists still exist and are making themselves heard. The latest elections are already indicative of the situation. They are not a people, but a population; this is a distinction which Fascists must always keep in mind. A people are one thing, a population is another. A population becomes a people when it begins to realize its strategic objectives: otherwise it is the equivalent of a human herd. With 22 million blacks, with 20 to 30 million men of all other races, it is a population that can not teach any civilization to other peoples. For many reasons. First of all, because, in 177 years it has failed to get rid of the practice of lynching; it has the highest number of criminals; it has erected an altar to a single god, the dollar; it has made personal gain the focal point of individual and collective life. The American soldiers whom we took prisoner in Tunisia were very annoyed by the fact that it was raining all the time. I understand that rain is annoying for soldiers, but on the other hand sun can not be guaranteed, not even in Africa.

As for the President, President Roosevelt is a man who can not help but hate mankind. He must hate mankind. If he did not hate mankind, he would be an ascetic, a saint; but he is neither of these. He is a man who has always known how to do his business very well, but here fate has dealt him one of its most ferocious vendettas; a man who at the age of 43 was struck by infantile paralysis, which—according to doctors—happens once in every million cases. He is a man who stands only when he is supported, a man who can not stand even with the help of machines that are given to him. Let us each put ourselves in this situation and you will see that a man of this kind can not relate to the famous motto of the poet Terence: "I am a man and nothing pertaining to man is foreign to me".

Finally we come to Italy. Italy passes for a Latin nation. There has been much discussion about this word and we decided to set it aside because it lends itself to too many misunderstandings. However, for the sake of argument, let us consider Italy as belonging to the group of nations that are formed by Roman and Latin roots. France is now liquidated. Spain will eventually have to decide; but it is good that they decide later. This is not a paradoxical speech. Spain still has to treat its wounds. Those who are privy to secret discussions know how between us and the Germans there are constant discussions about dividing our resources. With Spain there would then be a third participant who would come and ask for grain, oil, locomotives, and so on. In that case the contribution that we could make today would then become irrelevant. But also for Spain the Aventine is taking shape. The Reds are replenishing their brigades in the friendly territory of Algeria. It is not unlikely that at some point Negrín will appear in Algiers. This has already aroused quite an impression in Spain, which is engaged as it sends its legionaries to fight on the Russian front and has Spanish Morocco behind the whole Anglo-Saxon line in North Africa. The Anglo-Saxon generals would not ignore the existence of 150,000 Moroccan Spaniards between Melilla and Tangier.

The Italian people now have the historic opportunity to show what they are made of. The problem is a serious one for us. We must ask ourselves whether twenty years of Fascism have changed things only on the surface, leaving them much the same underneath. We shall see in the course of 1943. If you ask me: "What is your opinion?", my opinion is this: that the Italian people will stand firm and astound the world. The Italian people will disappoint the Anglo-Saxons, who are already quite disappointed. The English are thought to be an unemotional people. That is false. They are one of the most hysterical peoples on the face of the earth. They think and believe that we will give up. No. By the end of 1943, which will not be the last year of war but will be a decisive year during which we shall see where the balance will fall, the Italian people will have surmounted every test.

I have a conviction which I would call mathematical. But this conviction is not enough. There are different categories in a people, just from the standpoint of what I call nervous resistance. We are not all born equal; we are not all strong, all tall, with a solid nervous system. There are quite a few individuals who have a delicate nervous system. They are not dangerous, but they can cause unpleasant wavering. And then there are a minority of true defeatists who love to predict catastrophes, they broadcast. Those must be energetically dealt with.

You know that I exalt the Party. The Party is truly the soul, the motor of the nation. Last winter, despite the dark predictions of the usual prophets of doom, it must be admitted that the food situation has improved. We do not want to exaggerate, but the general impression—what the findings tell us—is that from the standpoint of food things are going a little better. In the winter of 1943-1944 they will go even better. Here we have created a miracle of organization. It is a misconception that the Italian people are incapable of organization. It is simply false. Among all peoples, the Italian people have the highest organizational capacity because, because they always work on a margin. It's easy to organize when you have everything; it's not so easy to organize when several things are lacking. By improving our organization, it can be expected that the food situation will improve even further.

How do we keep the morale of the Italian people high, firm and solid? If we attempted to bring the Italian people to the same degree of exaltation and enthusiasm found in newspapers, we would not reach this goal and therefore we should not even attempt it, otherwise it would be a certain failure. This is a war that has such a scale that it requires only one preeminent and decisive thing: the resolution to hold on until the end. This can and must be asked of the Italian people. This is the task of the Party. How do we make this happen? There is a work of assistance that the Party is already carrying out towards the families of combatants. We must insist on this point, not so much for material assistance, but more so for moral assistance.

The Party must be the instrument through which our Armed Forces become steadily more politically minded. Propaganda must be made according to time and place. There is the propaganda entrusted to the Institute of Fascist Culture, then there is the direct propaganda of all the men of the Party in the family circle, in the local Party Headquarters, in the social organizations, in conversations. Eliminate all those who represent dead weight; all those who are tired and weak, who have a delayed and late pace must be removed. It is not necessary for the Fascists in Italy to number four million. It is not a bad thing either, because it is impossible to govern a great nation if you are shut away in an ivory tower. The important thing is that there should be a few hundred thousand well-informed, determined, ready and united Blackshirts, all absolutely dependable men, ideologically speaking.

I think that history, after all, was quite benign to us; it allows us to live at such an important time in history. You know what I think of a single life. For me, he who does not feel the need for a bit of war is not a true man. War is the most important thing in a man's life, like motherhood is for a woman. Everything else is also important, but not as important as this, this is a test of the intrinsic qualities of peoples. Only war reveals who a people are, and reveals the flaws that they carry within them which went unnoticed by mediocre superficial observers. At some point a war breaks out, it invests a people in all its components, and then we see what this people had in its spirit, in its muscles. History does not offer other possibilities for comparative examination among peoples. The comparative examination of peoples is given by war and only and exclusively by war. Because war is the synthesis in which everything converges and everything is gathered, in which everything is at stake.

I believe that the Italian people have the qualities to resist, to hold firm, and to win. And at the end of 1943, the 21st year of the Fascist Era, we will be able to say proudly that we have in fact achieved our aims. At the present moment we have transformed the Italian people if not completely, at least in great part; this is the supreme task of our revolution. All others are secondary to this. The supreme task of the Fascist revolution is the transformation of the Italian people, to make the Italian people into what we consider a strong people. This year will decide whether the Italian people must resign itself to being a land of tourists, a large Switzerland... or a people that are conscious of what they once were, but above all of what they must become.

I look forward to these months with passionate interest and absolute certainty. We will have hard tests to overcome, and some painful moments, but this is war, gentlemen. War is not an uninterrupted string of brilliant victories, because, if it were, it would end from the start. War has its ups and downs, but we must never forget that this is a three-dimensional war: on land, at sea, and in the sky. And the carnage, the true catastrophe of enemy merchant ships, is truly dramatic and is one of the decisive elements of our victory. Soon the seas will be literally full of Italian and German submarines. And then we will see if British insularism can save this plutocracy that ended up allying itself with Bolshevism.

There are historical references that sometimes make you reflect. When I read Mrs. Churchill's bombastic telegram to Stalin, I remembered that similar phenomena occurred during the decline of the Roman Empire. The Roman matrons at one point disdained the old religion of their ancestors—a solid domestic religion intended to serve man—in favour of oriental cults. When a statue of Mithras arrived at Ostia, there was a procession of Roman matrons who went to see this statue that came from the East. A sign of decadence. Then, later still, the fashion for exotic costumes: the feeling of being fascinated by these men who came from the north, who were wild but robust. This happened in the second or third century after Augustus. They were signs of the decadence of the soul and of the components of the State. This craze for Bolshevik fashion that is now raging in England is a sign of decadence. This means that the British Empire no longer relies on its traditional, intimate forces, but relies on the contribution of the Russians, who, according to irrepressible English egoism, are very useful because they die for England. And England is willing to make war down to the last Russian, just as it was willing to do so down to the last Frenchman.

The activity of the Party must not be static, but dynamic. We must circulate in the provinces. We must see and must note the sudden capillary functioning of the Party. Give importance to these small Fascist Leagues in the villages, because the fundamental Italy—the real Italy—is found there. And sometimes they are forgotten. It is not necessary to hold demonstrations or gatherings. Speak, call the Fascists, say what you have to say.

These are the directives which I give on this January 3. Additionally, a meeting of the entire Directorate, including the inspectors, will be held every month at Palazzo Venezia, and I will preside. Thus we will work together.