Sunday, 4 March 2012

Speech in the Chamber, June 10, 1941


By Benito Mussolini

Comrades!

This is a memorable, solemn day. It is one year since our entrance into the war. A year filled with events and giddy historical developments. A year during which Italian soldiers on land, sea and in the sky fought heroically against the British Empire on multiple fronts, in the mountains and in the deserts, in Europe and in Africa. (Vivid, prolonged applause).

No one doubts any longer, in light of the unquestionable published documents, that between Italy and Greece there should be a rendering of accounts. At Athens, newspapers begin finally to disclose the criminal backstage of Greek policy. Since August 1940, I had proof that Greece no longer was keeping even the appearance of neutrality. In the same months there was a period of tension which was followed by a few weeks of calm. In October the situation escalated once again. I became convinced that Greece was in fact a pawn of English strategy in the central-eastern Mediterranean, and that Yugoslavia had an attitude more ambiguous than ever...

The facts—the genuine determining factor in judging the developments of history—the facts have fully confirmed that my point of view was correct. Thus, on October 15, it was unanimously decided to break hesitancies and take to the field at the end of the month.

Initiating a campaign in late October required a great effort, as troops were facing severe hardships due to the season. Those endured by Italian troops, with stoic discipline I might add, during the months of November, December, January, and February, were truly outstanding.

In addition to these negative elements, the start of operations at the threshold of winter had, however, two advantages: long nights, which facilitated the navigation of convoys, and also it increased the coefficients of safety and preservation against malaria. We would not have escaped this disease, which is a true scourge on the Albanian coast, had we begun the campaign in the spring.

The High Commander of the forces in Albania, General Visconti Prasca, who had assumed command since June 5, believed that the campaign in Epirus would have had a rapid and favourable result.

His plan, which was approved of by the General Staff in Rome and by me, was logical and convincing: a pincer movement to the east with the Julia Division, which was supposed to reach the Metsovo Pass, and to the west with the normal divisions of infantry, which, crossing Kalamos, pushing towards Arta, would have passed Janina, causing the fall. The column of the center would act in the direction of Kalpaki, to engage the enemy and dismantle the strong defenses of the Metaxas Line.

The High Command of the Armed Forces of Albania, which, in August, had only five divisions, possessed on October 28 the following units: Alpine Division Julia, Armoured Division Centauro, the divisions of Ferrara, Siena, Piedmont, Venice, Arezzo, Parma, a grenadier regiment, and three cavalry regiments. The divisions were binary and some of them with two battalions of Albanians.

The march of the Julia Division on the ridges of Pindos was extremely difficult. The motorized column of the center, paralyzed from rain and mud, could not break through to Kalpaki; the flood in Kalamas halted the advancement of the Siena Division for five days. On November 6 the High Command gave Julia the order to withdraw from Konitsa. Julia, which was one stop from Metsovo, withdrew and several times had to clear the path with fierce, bloody fighting.

With the withdrawal of Julia began the counter-offensive of the Greeks, who, in November, reached Korce, and in December, Gjirokaster. One could say that the period of the Greek initiative ended with the conquest of Klisura and the so-called Line of Mali, which stretched from Kiarista to Spandarit.

From that moment onwards every Greek attempt to reach the real critical military objectives (Elbasan, Berat, Valona—especially Valona, as the English desired), was shattered by our unyielding resistance. (Vivid applause).

We had formed a "wall". The wall, thanks to the courage and determination of our soldiers, was impregnable. In fact, in the area of the Shushice Valley, where there is a direct road of access to Valora, the Greeks were halted and the battle came to its conclusion at the end of December with the brilliant counter-attacks of the 2nd Alpini in the area of Bolena and the 7th Infantry in the area of Vranista.

In the area of Vojussa, in order to alleviate the pressure of the front of Berat, the troops of the 25th Army Corps (Alpini of the Cismon and of Bolzano, Sciatori of Monte Cervino, 2nd Bersaglieri) attacked in the direction of Klisura, and contributed to the cutting off of the Greek offensive on Shales for Berat.

On February 13, the enemy began the offensive on Tepelene, attacking our deployment on Scindeli. On the attack was a special Greek division, the Cretan, which was almost literally destroyed by the Italian soldiers of the Sforzesca Division and by the Blackshirts of the Raggruppamento Galbiati. (Vivid applause).

An attempt to descend into the valley of Vojussa from Mount Golico was panned by the infantrymen of Legnano, of Ferrara and the Alpini. In the valley of Doshnice the Greeks attacked with Berat as the objective; they reached Klisura on January 12, and went as far as Mali Spadarit, but here, in the first ten days of February, they were definitively stopped by the Alpini of Julia, by the foot soldiers of Pinerolo, and the Blackshirts of Leonessa.

In the Valley of Devoli, Tomori was the hinge welded between the 9th and the 11th Army. In the last ten days of January, in order to strengthen this delicate welding, an offensive leap was carried out in the Valley of Tomorezza, occupying the positions of Bregu Saliut and Dobrei with the Alpini of "Intria" and "Susa", with infantry from the Parma Division, and with the first and second battalions of the Guardia di Finanza.

In the Valley of Scumbini, after the third week of November (abandonment of Korce), the enemy was trying to reach the head of the Scumbini, the node of Elbasan. These attempts were definitively struck down by our defense formed on the pivot of Maja Kalase, which consisted of the divisions of Arezzo, Piemonte, and the 4th Bersaglieri. In the area of Pogradec (Ohrid), in December, all attempts by our opponents were definitively stopped by the Arezzo division of the 1st Bersaglieri Regiment.

When, in early March, I went to Albania, I felt the prelude to victory in the air. Through the tireless work of General Cavallero, who had assumed command of the Armed Forces on December 30, the Army was reorganized, fortified, and prepared on the offensive. (Vivid, prolonged applause).

The morale of the troops was splendid. The order in the rear was perfect. The commands of the two Armies, the ninth and the eleventh, were in the hands of two generals, Geloso and Pirzio Biroli, both highly experience and iron willed. The commands of the Army Corps were held in very able hands, by General Rossi, General Gambara, General Mercalli, General Nasci, and General Arisio. All the divisionals were up to the task: from Piazzoni, to Gloria, to Girotti, to Santovito, to Zannini, to Berardi, Olearo, Magli, Ferrero, De Stefanis, and I would like to mention them all, because they all deserve it. (Vivid applause).

The army of Albania had, in April, the following divisions: Julia, Pusteria, Tridentina, Cuneense (Alpini), Centauro (motorized), Arezzo, Cagliari, Modena, Pinerolo, Piemonte, Siena, Bari, Taro, Ferrara, Firenze, Casale, Messina, Legnano, Sforzesca, Cuneo, Forlì, Lupi di Toscana, Cacciatori delle Alpi, Puglie, Brennero, Acqui. To these forces, we must add three regiments of cavalry (Milan, Aosta, Guide), four Bersaglieri, one group of grenadiers, and a group of Blackshirt battalions. A truly impressive complex of forces.

If my visit was a treat for the troops in Albania, then they fully deserved it. My encounters with the soldiers gave rise to manifestations of faith which I will never forget. This is equally true for the thirty thousand labourers working on the streets and often under enemy fire.

A final, desperate attempt by the Greek offensive in Vojussa was annihilated by battalions of the Julia Division. In the following week began the action of the 8th Army Corps, which committed four divisions: Pinerolo, Cagliari, Puglie, Bari.

They did not, in the first phase of the battle, overcome the enemies barriers, but the losses inflicted by our artillery (about four cannons) and by our Aviation (about four units) were, according to the Greeks themselves, frightening. In the week between March 9 to 16, which marks the second Italian initiative, the Greek Army virtually ceased to exist as a force still capable of fighting. This was later admitted by the Greek government.

It is absolutely mathematical that in April, even if nothing had happened to change the Balkan situation, the Italian Army would have overwhelmed and annihilated the Greek Army. (The Chamber shouts: "Duce! Duce!" in between vivid cheers).

It is necessary to state honestly that many Greek detachments fought valiantly; we must add once more that this greatly influenced the profound and widespread hatred, continually excited by the officers as an encouragement for all the soldiers.

The Greek "case" demonstrates that the assessment of armies is not immutable and that surprises, if not frequent, are however possible. It is reasonable to affirm, furthermore, that the Greek Army would not have held for six months without the aid of England. The Greek Army was fed, supplied and armed by the English. Aviation was entirely English. Anti-aircraft and artillery also were English. No less than 60,000 English were in services and special groups alongside the Greek Army. Material aid furnished by Turkey was modest. Its value did not amount to 2,000,000 Turkish lire.

And now some figures which summarize what Italy has done in this war overseas, figures which should be carefully pondered, and under which a eulogy should be addressed to the General Staffs and ministries of the Armed Forces.

The work of the Regia Marina in organizing and protecting traffic between the ports of Bari and Brindisi, and those of Valona, Durazzo, and San Giovanni di Medua, is documented here.

The steamers have made 1,360 traverses. The stocks made by our small vessels have been 1,070. There were transported 560,603 officers and soldiers, 15,951 vehicles, 83,072 quadrupeds, 704,150 tonnes of freight. So that the troops in Albania could live and fight, we had to disembark an average of four tons per day (excluding weapons and ammunition).

Admiral Sportiello on the one hand and General Scuero on the other have completed this difficult task brilliantly. (The Chamber stands, cheers directed towards the military tribune).

That we were for a long time the nearly undisputed masters of the Adriatic is demonstrated by the modest figures of our losses: seventeen ships sunk by the enemy, for a tonnage of sixty-seven thousand tons; three torpedo boats sank, with a tonnage of 2,400 tons; five steamers, for a total of 20,000 tons; six torpoedo boats stricken, for a total tonnage of 5,000 tons; dead or missing among troops and crews is 295 units, accounting for 0.05% of the mass transported.

For what it has done in the lower Adriatic, and for its essential contribution to the victory, the Marina deserves the deep admiration of the Italian people. (Cries of "Viva la Marina". The Chamber stands, long cheering directed towards the tribune of the Marina).

No less worthy of admiration is the Regia Aeronautica for its activities during the war against Greece: the transport and combat activities.

The Italian aircraft were transported to Albania, completing 7,102 hours of flight, and transporting 30,851 individuals and 3,016 tons of material. The German aircraft, with 13,312 hours of flight, transported 39,816 people and 2,923 tons of material to Albania.

During all these flights, a single accident occured, a departure from an aerodrome of Puglia, with the loss of twenty men. In the operations of war, there have been carried out by the fourth squadra and by the Air Force located in Albania 35,079 hours of flight, 4,829 tons of bombs dropped, 700,000 shots fired, 261 enemy aircraft shot down, 118 damaged. Our losses: 97 aircraft shot down, 71 damaged, 233 dead or missing, 120 wounded. (Repeated shouts of "Long live the Air Force." The Chamber stands, cheers directed towards the tribune of the Aeronautica).

From October 28 to May 31, the fallen on the land fronts in the war against Greece were 13,502. (The President, the Ministers, the National Council and the audience in the stands rise and remain for a few moments in reverent contemplation). The names of these glorious fighters who have given their lives to the fatherland have been published on a monthly basis, as is our custom. This figure can not be considered definitive until we know the details of the fate of those missing and imprisoned.

The injured were 38,768, as shown by the seven lists published so far. This figure may vary, as a result of delayed reports...

In the total of the fallen, there are 1,528 blackshirts; the totals of the injured Blackshirts are 3,296...

The losses of the Greeks are not known exactly, but everything points to their losses being greater than ours.

While Italian troops were preparing to liquidate the Greek Army, Yugoslavia revealed through the coup d'etat its real sentiments. The Axis war against Yugoslavia, therefore, was rendered inevitable. Axis armies acted together with lightning rapidity. While the 2nd Army of the Alpini was moving down along the Dalmatian Coast, with forced marches, which tried the resistance of our soldiers, the Greeks retreated with rearguard fighting and attempted, by a trick in the authentic style of Ulysses, to hold us on the Albanian frontier by offering an armistice to the Germans and not to us. They were energetically recalled by me to reason and finally surrendered unconditionally. (The Chamber jumps up; passionate cries of "Duce! Duce!" and vibrant, long cheers).

Regarding Yugoslavia, it revealed almost immediately the inconsistency and falsity of its state organism, as the third Mosaic State artificially created at Versailles. With exclusively anti-Italian functions, it fell into pieces at the first blow.

The Yugoslav Army, for which Paris and the Little Entente circle had created a reputation of invincibility, and which, according to a Swiss newspaper, would have stunned the world, was liquidated with the first blows. The English made a few appearances on battlefields, but then, overwhelmed by the Alpine divisions and by the armoured divisions of von List, found out that Hellenic soil also burned under their feet and they abandoned—fleeing by the usual sea route—Greece.

The political and military consequences which sprang up by the elimination of England from the last of her European bases have been of a great political and strategic significance. It has profoundly changed the map of that region—changed for the better, especially if every one will keep a sense of proportion—that is to say, change toward a more logical, rational arrangement according to justice, taking into account all elements which compose and frequently instigate problems.

Here also it has not been possible to reach an arrangement perfect in every way, but one must not hope for the absolute in such matters. (Approvals).

Bulgaria annexed Macedonia, which is predominantly Bulgarian, and Western Thrace. Albania will be expanded with the region of Cassavano to the north and Chameria to the south. Montenegro regained its independence and entered the Italian orbit. (Vivid, prolonged applause).

Hungary, whose political agreements with Italy date back to 1926, has expanded her borders, and Germany has carried hers to the left bank of the Sava. The rest of Slovenia has become an Italian province with a special regime.

But the most important fact is the resurrection, after two centuries, of the Croat State. The author of this resurrection is the Poglavnik Ante Pavelic, who for twelve years lived in exile in Italy together with many pioneers of the movement. (Vivid applause). The Poglavnik knows he can count on the active solidarity of Fascist Italy.

The agreements concluded with Croatia are well-known, both of a political and territorial nature.

Fiume now has a hinterland, and with the occupation of all the islands of the Kvarner it has a consistency that was missing...

With the annexation of almost all of the islands of the Dalmatian Peninsula, with the creation of the two provinces of Split and Kotor, and the enlarging of old, extremely faithful Zara (vivid, prolonged applause), the Dalmatian problem may be considered solved, especially taking into account...relations between the Kingdom of Italy and Croatia, whose crown has been offered to a Savoy-Aosta. (The Chamber stands;  vivid applause).

If we wished we could have pushed our borders from Velebiti to the Albanian Alps but we would, in my opinion, have made a mistake. Without mentioning the rest, we would have brought within our borders several hundred thousand foreign elements, naturally hostile. Now, ancient history, but especially recent history, demonstrates that States must strive to make the most of their ethnic and spiritual unity (approvals), so as to meet at the same time the three elements of race, nation, State. (Vivid, prolonged applause).

States which are filled with too many non-native elements have a troubled life. It may sometimes be inevitable to have them, for the supreme sake of strategic security. We must adopt a special treatment towards them, provided, of course, their absolute loyalty as citizens is given the State. However, when an ethnicity is not in accord with geography, then that ethnicity needs to be moved. The exchange of populations and the exodus of peoples is providential, because it leads to political boundaries which coincide with racial boundaries.

According to the agreement with the German command, almost all of Greece, including Athens, will be occupied by Italian troops. This lays a very serious problem before us, especially from the point of view of food, but we shall face it, seeking to alleviate as far as possible the miseries inflicted upon the Greek people by their feudal governors in London, and bearing in mind that Greece falls within Italy's vital Mediterranean space. (The Chamber jumps up. Vivid, long cheers).

Many times after Keren the English have announced that the campaign in Italian Africa could be considered more or less virtually concluded. But, after Keren, they had to go up against Amba Alagi, where, for the second time, the resistance of the Italian reached epic proportions. (The Chamber stands; vibrant cheers).

The Duke of Aosta (new fervent cheers) partook in this battle, which developed over thousands of kilometers through desert and mountains; a great leader, worthy of the lineage of Savoy, from which he descends. After the fall of Amba Alagi the English again proclaimed that all was now finished. Instead, they are still fighting. There are three zones where our barricaded troops are still giving the English a hard time—Dankalia, Jimma and Gondar. How long it may last cannot be known, but it is certain that Italian resistance will be protracted to the limits of human possibility.

The English are utilizing the superiority of their means, the possibility of virtually unlimited supplies, and the almost general defection of our colonial troops, who did not have time to strongly organize and therefore were unprepared for a war of mechanical equipment, especially aircraft.

For the purposes of the war, even the total conquest of the empire by the English has no decisive value: this is a vendetta of a strictly personal character which could have no influence on the results of a war which has dug even deeper chasms between Italy and Great Britain. (The Chamber stands and cheers towards the Duce).

I cannot tell you today when or how, but I affirm in the most categoric manner that we shall return (voices say: "Yes! Yes!") to that land bathed by our blood (ardent applause; repeated cries of "Duce! Duce!"); lands which, in a few years, we had completely transformed with hospitals, schools, houses, aqueducts, factories and those grand highways—marvels of the entire African continent—upon which the mechanized forces of our enemy are now able to swiftly march across.

Our dead shall not go unavenged! (Voices say: "No! No!". Vivid, prolonged, enthusiastic applause).

When I spoke, in February, I exposed what had happened in Cyrenaica and I did not hide anything. Since then the situation has changed. Cyrenaica has returned to Italy. The action was conducted by the German armored forces, who have struggled valiantly, together with the Italian ones. (The Chamber once again stands in ovation).

The conquest of Crete places at the disposition of the Axis air and naval bases very close for mass attacks on the Egyptian coast. Life will become ever more difficult for the English naval forces stationed at the bases of Egypt and Palestine.

The objective, which consists of expelling Britain from the Eastern Mediterranean, will be reached and with it a gigantic step will be taken toward a victorious epilogue of war.

Collaboration between the powers of the Tripartite Pact is under way. But above all, collaboration between Germany and Italy is under way. (Vivid, prolonged applause directed towards the diplomatic mission of the Reich).

It says it all when I tell you that we work together, march together, fight together, and we will win together. The camaraderie of the Armed Forces is becoming a camaraderie between two peoples. In his recent speeches, the Fuhrer (the Chamber stands; long cheers) has explicitly recognized which and how many sacrifices of blood Italy has faced for the cause of the Axis.

Already we are outlining the reorganization of the continent, which is the purpose of the Axis war; reorganization inspired by the postulate ideals and experiences of the two revolutions. The ridiculous rumours which speculated about eventual frictions or dissensions—and which were promoted by the feeble minded, like the English Prime Minister in his useless Christmas Eve speech—have been reduced to silence. Two people, one war! This is the lapidary formula which summarizes the action of the Axis, an action which will continue even after the victory. (Vivid, prolonged applause).

The attitude of Japan (Vivid, prolonged applause directed towards the Japanese diplomatic representatives) based on what the Foreign Minister Matsuoka declared in Rome and more recently in Tokyo, is in perfect line with the Tripartite Pact.

The Japanese are a proud and loyal people who would not remain indifferent in the face of American aggression against the Axis powers. (Vivid, prolonged applause).

The Japanese know that their future is at stake. Despite the enormous distances, even with Japan relations have deepened. There is no doubt that the Japanese military mission, a welcome guest at this time in Italy, will see that the sympathy of Fascist Italy for Japan is spontaneous and profound.

With the other powers adhering to the Tripartite Pact (vivid, prolonged applause), namely, Hungary, Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria, relations are more than cordial even where special political accords do not exist.

Among the countries that are still out of the fray, one deserves particular consideration, and it is Spain.

Despite the allurements, it is clear that Spain can not waive to seize the unique opportunity which was offered to her to rectify past injustices. We do not solicit in any way a decision from Spain, a decision which must be taken by responsible factors, in full freedom of examination: we limit ourselves to thinking and believing that Spain knows which side has proven to be her friend and which side has no less proven to be her enemy. (Vivid applause).

The revolution of the Falange, the bearer of the new historical destiny of Spain, can not stand alongside the forces of plutocracy, Judaism, and Freemasonry—all forces which helped the Reds, and sought to prevent the Caudillo from carrying out his effort of national and social renewal. (Applause).

As for Turkey, that country has until now declined all English solicitations. President Inonu has seen the tragic fate that awaits all nations which in any way trust themselves to Great Britain (laughter). But I wish to take this occasion to say to President Inonu that Italy intends to follow toward Turkey that policy of comprehension and collaboration which was inaugurated in 1928 and which for us is still in effect.

If Spain and Turkey are out of the fighting, there is one transoceanic State which promises to enter it. It is well known that American intervention does not bother us excessively. (Applause). A specific declaration of war would not change the present situation, which is one of de facto war, if not de jure. American intervention, when employed completely, would be late, and if it were not late, would not remove the terms of the problem.

American intervention will not give victory to Great Britain, but will prolong the war; it will not limit the area of the war, but will extend it to other oceans; it will change the United States regime into an authoritarian, totalitarian one, in comparison with which the European forerunners—Fascist and National Socialist—will feel themselves far surpassed and perfected. (Laughter, applause).

When it is desired to be called a dictator in the pure classical meaning of the word, Sulla is cited. Well Sulla appears to us to be a modest amateur compared to Delano Roosevelt. (Applause and laughter).

Comrades!

During these twelve months of alternate, but always harsh vicissitudes, the Italian people have given an incomparable example of discipline. We were not dismayed when the news was bad and days were gloomy, and were were not elated when the news was good and accompanied by bright days. Despite the sun, the Italian people are a people of cold blood, realistic, sensible and thoughtful at the same time, with a formidable memory, tempered and tested by thirty centuries of history. Only those who are unfamiliar with the Italian people can paint us in a different image.

The war has done nothing but consecrate these virtues, which arise from the rural depths of the race and from multiple millennial experiences.

As the war goes on, material and spiritual tension grows and discomfort increases. The popular classes have an increasingly difficult life. The recent sharp criticisms of our food situation are related to the exhaustion of supplies and the increase of the population, with new territories which reaches perhaps a million. Economic problems arising from contingencies will be resolved by appropriate measures of a positive and negative character. The profiteers of war will be increasingly severely punished. (Vivid applause).

Despite this, the people are not gloomy or doubtful. (Applause).

The people "feels" this war as a necessary phase of a large and bloody revolution, which should eliminate the absurd positions of privilege held by the great democracies, prone as they are to worshiping the golden calf and the Jews. (Applause).

This explains how in these days the Italian people have spend time at work, in calm, in order, and have not been the least disturbed.

The youth of the Universities flocked en masse to the barracks, for the necessary preparation for combat. One hundred twenty-six universities have already consecrated with blood their dedication to the fatherland, which has always shone in the hearts of our university youth. (Vivid, prolonged applause directed towards the representatives of the Fascist university groups).

Those who expect a crumbling of our domestic front are waiting for something which will never happen. (Applause).

The enemy is tenacious, but we are more tenacious than him. The blows which the Axis has inflicted upon him have been humiliating, and they now desperately invoke aid from overseas.

Although the war lasted longer than expected, even if new complications arise, England can not win, because all its European positions and possibilities have been destroyed, and America can not replace it. (Vivid applause).

The Axis, the revolutionary expression of the new Europe, will win. In the first year of the war is the certainty of victory, a proud and dogmatic certainty which we reaffirm.

I believe, firmly believe, that in this immense battle between gold and blood, the just God who lives in the soul of the young people has already chosen. We will win!

(The end of the Duce's speech is greeted by an ardent, endless ovation and shouts of "Duce! Duce!". The Duce leaves the grandstand. The Assembly sings "Giovinezza". The President orders the "Saluto al Duce!". The Chamber responds as one voice: "A noi!". The Duce heads toward the exit, while the national councilors leave their benches and crowd around him, shouting their faith and their devotion.)