To the Officials of the Littorio Division
By Benito Mussolini
Officers and comrades!
I would like to reaffirm my satisfaction with the movement I have witnessed. I carefully followed the movement of the troops as a whole and in the details, concerning which it is not inappropriate to recall a phrase by Napoleon about warfare, which is something he knew well: "There are no trivial details; everything in military life is important." Even the movement of a soldier, which may seem superfluous, may in fact save his life.
You need to make the most of your training, because as you can clearly see, you have top-class trainers. It is necessary therefore to overcome certain susceptibilities that would seem tremendously ridiculous and rest assured that the German people are an eminently military people who take things seriously, especially the most serious thing of all: war.
As for politics, ideas must be extremely precise. Especially in a period of transition and crisis, watchwords must be tough and metallic in nature. On September 8th we experienced an episode of history that makes us burn with indignation and bend our heads. The gravity of the episode must be realized in its full scope in order to understand the indispensable duty of the present moment.
An unprecedented thing happened: yesterday's ally, while still being exalted in official war bulletins, was abandoned in favour of the enemy. The Navy—that Navy which was entirely built by Fascism, from the grand battleships to the small tugboats—underwent the supreme shame of surrendering the fleet to the enemy in the port of Malta, led by that Jew-lover Da Zara.
Faced with this spectacle of ruins, the task of reconstruction was not easy. Indeed the difficulties sometimes have been exceptionally tough. However, day after day, these difficulties have been confronted, and the first divisions of the Italian Army resurfaced in German territory, and the banners of the Italian Social Republic were delivered to our military regiments.
We have a Republic not only because Italy, including Piedmont, is traditionally more republican than monarchical, but also because we suddenly found ourselves faced with a monarchy that was dishonored by capitulation, faced with a king who joined sides with the enemy in a futile and criminal attempt to save his own personal crown, purely and simply to save himself. When something like this happens, systems and men need to be finally liquidated.
Why 'Social Republic'? For one obvious reason: there are many different types of republics in the modern world. I would hope that none of you want to create a plutocratic republic like Roosevelt's in Italy, nor set up a Stalinist Communist republic. I think that even fewer of you want a republic dominated by parliament and steeped in Jewry and Freemasonry like France; nor a republic divided into cantons like Switzerland; and we also do not want anything to do with those republics overseas where the terms 'command' and 'obedience' mean essentially nothing. It is therefore clear that the Italian Social Republic is Fascist, it can only ever be Fascist, and its institutions can only be inspired by the doctrine and teachings of Fascism.
Those who want to persist in ambiguity and camouflage themselves are making a useless and vile mistake. Many of those traitors were punished and still others will be.
The sufferings which the Italian people have been subjected to since September 8th are truly unprecedented. But there is a small segment who deserve it: namely those who on July 25th abandoned themselves to the orgy of destruction of our symbols, falsely thinking that by breaking our symbols they could destroy the indestructible: namely, our work and our spirit. And those who after September 8th—due to an almost incredible phenomenon of unconsciousness—rang the bells, improvised parades and lit fireworks in the mountains in celebration, when in fact it was and should have been a day of profound national mourning.
Thus they were forced to accept a false armistice, which contains such overwhelming and draconian clauses that even today, ten months later, no one has the courage to dare speak of them publicly.
Now we must violently gather all the remaining forces in our spirit and we must say: under the conditions we are facing conditions, living is no longer an option. Under these conditions, only one thing matters: that you fight. He who does not fight today, deludes himself about living. He who does not fight today is already morally dead and deserves his fate.
Comrades!
I think the memory of this meeting will remain in our hearts for a long time. We will meet again in Italy, when you will finally have the joy of firing upon the enemy who is camped beneath the shade of our ancient and universal monuments.
Thus we will resume battle, so that we may return to being one people. Because Italy is always faced with this tremendous dilemma: either it is great or it is not.
Your weapons, dear comrades, have been given to you so that our ideals can become reality.
(The Duce's words caused enthusiasm and jubilation. The officials huddled around him and proclaimed their gratitude, their devotion and their immovable faith in the rebirth of the Fatherland.)
