Speech in Turin, October 23, 1932

By Benito Mussolini

Blackshirts! People of Turin!

I promised that the tenth year of the Fascist Era would not conclude without first visiting your city. I have kept my promise. I am proud to be here among you, and I declare to you with all sincerity that your ardent and enthusiastic welcome has exceeded my expectation. The people of Turin, who belong to a race of warriors and workers, came to meet me with all the beating of a truly and profoundly-felt faith.

If nine years ago our contact was vibrant, the multitude—which today is before me—allows me to affirm before Italy and before the world that Piedmont is about to place itself at the forefront of the Italian Fascist movement. (Enthusiastic cheers). How could it be otherwise? Turin is a Roman city, not only because it was built by Julius Caesar; it is Roman because of its tenacity; it is Roman because of the valour it has shown throughout the centuries in sieges and memorable battles; it is Roman because it gave flame and blood to the unification of the Fatherland. (Loud applause).

Here in Turin, lively squadrism knew no limits to its sacrifice. Turin gave Fascism an ascetic figure. I'm speaking of Mario Gioda. (The crowd shouts: "Presente!"). It gave a Minister and a Quadrumvir, who in peace and in war deserves the title of hero, and not in any rhetorical sense. (Applause; the crowd shouts: "Long live De Vecchi!").

To dispel any doubt, I announce that from now on the contacts between you and I will be more frequent, even if less solemn. (Loud and prolonged applause). There has always been moral contact and a communion of spirits, and I can say with a tranquil conscience that none of the problems affecting your city has left me indifferent. I intend that Turin—a city dear to my heart, a city dear to the heart of all Italians—retain its place, its prestige, its rank as a great industrious city. (Enthusiastic ovations).

[...]

One conference that has involved all the people of the civilized world is the one concerning disarmament. Some claimed that our practical and concrete proposals were inspired by Machiavellian calculations. Nothing could be more false. There was a very simple way to test our sincerity: to test ourselves. Now men of good faith must open their ears, and especially those who are of bad faith must open their ears. From this frontier city, which has never feared war (the crowd shouts: "No!"), I declare, so that everyone may understand, that Italy follows a policy of peace, of true peace which can not be dissociated from justice, a peace which must give balance to Europe, a peace which must descend into men's hearts as a hope and a faith!

And yet, beyond our borders there are raving people who do not forgive Fascist Italy for standing on its feet. For these remnants of all the Masonic lodges, it is truly an unheard of scandal that Fascist Italy exists, because it represents a documented mockery of their principles, which time has exceeded.

They invented the concept of "the people", not to speak to them in a frank manner as we do; they invented it in order to mystify them, to give them imaginary needs and illusory rights. They would not be unwilling to consider what might be called a war of doctrines between opposing principles, since no one is a worse enemy of peace than those who turn couch potatoism and peacemongering into a profession. (Laughter and applause).

Well, if this hypothetical war were to occur, then the outcome is already decided, because between the principles that are arising and affirmed today and those principles that are declining, victory lies with the former, that is to say, with us! (Thunderous applause).

A vote of the Grand Council has aroused the interest of all countries: whether or not we will remain in the League of Nations. I declare to you now that we will remain in the League of Nations; especially today, when she is extraordinarily ill, we must not abandon her bedside. However. the League of Nations is too universalistic. It is undeniable that its instructions lose their effectiveness as the distance increases. Though it may have some efficacy in European affairs, when we are dealing with the Far East and South America, words remain only words: senseless and meaningless.

There have been attempts to free Europe from this too universalistic construction. But I think that if—on the basis of justice and on the basis of the recognition of our sacred rights, consecrated by the blood of many young Italian generations—the necessary and sufficient premises for a collaboration between the four great Western Powers were realized tomorrow, Europe would achieve peace from the political point of view and perhaps the economic crisis which is gripping us would come to an end.

There is another question: the one concerning the German question of equality. Here too Fascism has had precise ideas and directives. The German demand for legal equality is fully justified. We must recognize it, the sooner the better! At the same time, as long as the disarmament conference lasts, Germany cannot ask for rearmament in any measure, but when the disarmament conference is over and if it has given a negative result, then Germany will not be able to remain in the League of Nations if this gap which has diminished it up until now is not annulled. (Applause).

We do not want hegemonies in Europe. We are against the assertion of any hegemony, especially if it wants to crystallize a position of patent injustice.

As for internal politics, you know that the Party has reopened its doors. The great Castaldi tells me that the requests from Turin amount to an important figure of 20,000. Superb! But I must remind them and remind everyone that the political organization of the Regime is called the Party, because it is the Party that carried out the Revolution. However, this word has nothing in common with the concept of the old parties. The National Fascist Party is an army, or, if you like, it is an Order. One enters it only to serve and to obey.

Another compass that guides us along the way: class collaboration. In this city, which has so many workers, I would like to solemnly affirm that the working classes have fulfilled their duty in the face of the crisis and have borne the inevitable burden on their shoulders. I must further add that the Italian industrial classes move in this atmosphere of harmony: they hold firm in expectation of better times. If collaboration is necessary in easy times, it is indispensable in difficult times, when every dispersion of energy and every dispute constitutes a true betrayal against the Fatherland. (Applause).

Turin has been wonderful in its social work. We have already detached ourselves from the too limited concept of philanthropy, and have arrived at a broader and deeper concept of welfare. We must take one more step forward: from welfare we must achieve full implementation of national solidarity. (Loud applause).

We are against the subsidy system. Those who read the chronicles of these days understand that they do not solve anything. We are also opposed to all oblique measures and to all suggestions to alter the value of our currency, which I consider the intangible flag of the Nation. (Warm applause). In places where it has been revalued, the conditions of the people have not improved at all. Just as it is true that we are gathered here in this square today, so it is true that the increased masses of unemployed people from all over Great Britain are moving towards London.

[...]

Some think that we are concerned about winter for political reasons. This is false. From the political point of view, even fifty gray winters could pass without anything happening, especially since, after the gray winters, there would come springs of well-being and glory as a reward for our courage. Instead, it is from the human point of view that causes me concern, because the very thought of a family without the necessities to live gives me acute physical suffering. I know what the deserted house and the empty table is like, because I experienced it. (Great ovation).

Comrades of Turin! This truly magnificent communion of spirits, for which in this moment we are one heart and one soul (cries of: "Yes!"), could not close without addressing a thought full of profound devotion to His Majesty the King (thunderous applause), who represents the continuity, vitality and sanctity of the Fatherland. (Great ovation).

What then is the watchword for the new decade towards which we are meeting the soul of the 1920's? The word is this: "To march, to build and, if necessary, to fight and win!".