By Benito Mussolini
This following is not a program in the traditional sense of the term. The universe has not yet revealed a complete list of the innumerable problems that lie before us, from governing the colonies to organizing the kindergartens, which might have innumerable potential solutions. These are just the main points: the fundamental lines of our foundation. The rest of the details can be logically deduced from them. While writing this we took into account several things: what was gradually published in this newspaper, what remained vital in our old postulates, and what we learned from solid experience during these last two years of battles. These programmatic guidelines are not yet official. The ad hoc Commission does not want to approve them yet, because something is missing. A program, unless it is made by the Almighty God, will never be complete nor definitive. There will always be a small gap to fill. That said, I firmly believe that these guidelines are more than enough to identify the Fascist Party. I dare say that on some points they are too analytical. But publishing this is important because it establishes our ideological and political positions in regards to the concepts of Nation, State and humanity. The entire political action and practice of Fascism derives from our understanding of these concepts.
FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES
National Society. The Italian Fascist Party considers that society is composed of the National State, not as the mere sum of individuals living in a given territory, in a given period of time, but as a body comprising an indefinite series of generations of which individuals are but transient elements.
Consequently, the Italian Fascist Party affirms that currently the dominant form of social organization in the world is national society and that the essential law in the life of the world is not the unification of various societies into a single, vague and indefinable global society, i.e. "humanity" in the parlance of the internationalists, but rather fruitful and peaceful competition among the various national societies.
The State. Having defined the Fascist concept of "national society", the Italian Fascist Party assigns to the Nation-State the specific task of dedicating the sum of its activities to the reinvigoration, development and expansion of the Italian Nation for the purpose of achieving its great historical and world goals; the fortunes of individuals and individual classes are dependent and legitimized by the achievement of such goals; therefore the Nation-State has the duty to enforce the principles of national solidarity and fight uncompromisingly against all the causes of internal disintegration.
Domestic Policy. In matters of domestic policy, Fascism advocates:
1. The restoration of the authority of the Nation-State. We want a State that does not remain indifferent to the unleashing and overpowering of forces that attack or otherwise threaten to materially and spiritually weaken our society, but rather is a jealous guardian and defender and propagator of national tradition, national sentiment and national will, and capable of imposing its authority at all costs.
a) mandatory placement of maimed and disabled persons in public and private administrations;3. The most unscrupulous agnosticism concerning the problem of the regime, which Fascists subordinate to the moral and material interests of the whole Nation in its reality and in its historical development; an agnosticism which leaves the door open for all possible changes that may become necessary in this field, whether it happens that a political institution proves to be unworthy or incapable of fulfilling its task, or whether it happens that the protection of national interests dictates the necessity of a regime change.
b) extension of the proposed exceptions to the dismissal of maimed and disabled persons in public administrations, extending it also to those combatants who fought in the trenches;
c) immediate improvement of pensions for tuberculosis-sufferers and for disabled persons who are absolutely incapable of working, without prejudice to the commitments made by Parliament for the general reform of pension plans in 1921;
d) extension of all the provisions of the law on pensions to the annexed provinces;
e) sanctioning the right of war veterans—if they are equally qualified—to preferential consideration in public competitions, and full recognition of military service for career advancement purposes and for transitioning into the role of State administrators;
f) extension of insurance policies and prompt delivery of it to all war veterans, and the possibility of its valorization;
g) special provisions in favour of demobilized non-commissioned officers;
h) intensification of the campaign for the human reclamation of malaria-sufferers and extension of economic and moral assistance to all the victims of war.
4. The limitation of the functions and powers currently attributed to Parliament and the establishment of National Technical Councils with legislative functions limited to their domain. The problems concerning the individual as a citizen of the State and the State as an organ for the realization and protection of supreme national interests fall within the competence of the Parliament; the problems that concern the various forms of activity of individuals in their role as producers fall within the competence of the National Technical Councils. Therefore every adult citizen will have a political vote for the election of deputies to Parliament and a vote as a producer for the election of the National Technical Council.
5. A military organization proportionate to the current and potential future needs of Italy, which is a Nation in continuous development.
6. The right to political representation—within the motherland—for those ten million Italians residing abroad.
Fascism and economic problems. In the face of socialist reconstruction projects based on a prejudicially collectivist model of economics, Fascism has its feet firmly planted in the soil of our historical and national reality, which does not allow for a single type of economy, but favours any and every solution, be it individualistic or of any other kind, that will guarantee the maximum level of production and highest well-being.
Fascism advocates a regime that would strive to increase our national wealth by unleashing individual initiatives and energies—which form the most powerful and active factor in economic production—and by abolishing, once and for all, the chaotic, costly and unproductive machinery of State-based, society-based and municipality-based control.
Fascism therefore will support any initiative that will enhance Italy's productivity, with the aim of eliminating any form of individual and group parasitism.
Fascism will advocate:
1. To establish the effective responsibility of the public order of individuals and associations in cases of non-fulfillment of freely concluded labour agreements.
2. To restore and regulate the civil liability of public sector employees, regardless of their negligence or inexperience in comparison to the injured parties.
3. That any tax which is demagogic and harmful to the national economy be abolished; and as far as income tax is concerned, income which has been transformed into technical or instrumental capital should be exempted from taxation.
4. That taxable income and assessments of inherited estates be made public knowledge, in order to facilitate the monitoring of each citizen's financial obligations to the State.
5. That all future State intervention, which became necessary to protect certain branches of agriculture and manufacturing from dangerous foreign competition, be designed as a stimulus for our Nation's productive forces and not for the benefit of plutocratic groups who seek to parasitically exploit our national economy.
6. That disorderly clashes between divergent class and socio-economic interests be disciplined, to which end it is essential that organizations representing workers and employers be granted legal recognition.
5. That all future State intervention, which became necessary to protect certain branches of agriculture and manufacturing from dangerous foreign competition, be designed as a stimulus for our Nation's productive forces and not for the benefit of plutocratic groups who seek to parasitically exploit our national economy.
6. That disorderly clashes between divergent class and socio-economic interests be disciplined, to which end it is essential that organizations representing workers and employers be granted legal recognition.
7. That a law be promulgated and strictly enforced prohibiting strikes on the part of public servants. Moreover, arbitration boards must be set up that are composed of representatives from the executive power, from among the blue-collar and white-collar workers on strike, and from the taxpayers.
Syndical Matters. In principle, Fascism expresses its sympathy and intention to help those small groups among the proletariat who are able to harmonize the defense of their legitimate class interests with the general interests of the Nation. Convinced that national greatness is not possible with a brutal and riotous laboring masses, Fascism proposes the following postulates in favour of the working and employed classes:
1. The promulgation of a State law that establishes an eight-hour work day for all workers.
2. A social legislation updated to modern necessities, especially with regard to accidents, invalidity and old age of workers, whether they be agricultural or industrial or white-collar workers.
3. Representation of workers in the operation of industries with a limited personnel, but not the management of companies.
4. The assignment of management of industries or public services to workers' organizations that are morally worthy and technically prepared for the undertaking.
5. The diffusion of small property in those areas and for those crops that productively permit it.
6. The establishment of technical and vocational schools that increase the productive capacity of workers and peasants.
Fascism and Religion. In regards to religious and ecclesiastical policy, Fascism advocates the utmost respect for all religious faiths; full freedom for the Catholic Church in the exercise of her spiritual ministry; a solution to the dispute with the Holy See; preservation and strengthening of the authority of the State for all matters relating to the interference of the clergy in civil life.
In Matters of Foreign Policy. Fascism does not believe in the vitality nor in the principles that inspire the so-called League of Nations. In this League, the nations are not at all on an equal footing. It is a kind of holy alliance between the Franco-Anglo-Saxon group of plutocratic nations, designed to ensure their exploitation of most of the world—despite the inevitable clash of interests.
Fascism does not believe in the red internationals, which die, reproduce, multiply, and die again. These are artificial and formalistic constructs which are formed by small minorities in comparison to the masses of populations who, living, moving and progressing, end up determining the shifts of interests before which the internationalistic constructs fall apart.
Fascism does not believe in the immediate possibility of universal disarmament and therefore refuses to adhere to any propaganda which tends toward this end.
In this current historical period, Fascism thinks that Italy should have a European policy of balance and reconciliation between the different powers.
From these general premises, it follows that Fascism asks:
1. That the peace treaties are revised and modified in those parts that have become unenforceable or whose forced application might be a source of formidable hatred and a source of new wars.
2. A policy that economically annexes Fiume to Italy and actively protects Italians living in the Dalmatian lands sacrificed by the Treaty of Rapallo.
3. The gradual disengagement of Italy from the group of Western plutocratic nations through the development of our internal productive forces.
4. Rapprochement with the enemy nations (Austria, Germany, Bulgaria, Turkey, Hungary), but with an attitude of dignity and keeping firm to the supreme needs of our northern and eastern borders, within which the ethnic minorities must be treated with a regime of justice, but without indulgences or compromises.
5. Creation and intensification of friendly relations with all the peoples of the East, not excluding those governed by the Soviets and those of Southeastern Europe.
6. Revindication, in colonial terms, of the rights and needs of nations.
7. Rejuvenation and renewal of all our diplomatic missions with elements coming from special university faculties who are also suitable for other personal qualities.
8. Valorization of the Italian colonies in the Mediterranean and oversees through economic and cultural institutions, as well as rapid communications.
Syndical Matters. In principle, Fascism expresses its sympathy and intention to help those small groups among the proletariat who are able to harmonize the defense of their legitimate class interests with the general interests of the Nation. Convinced that national greatness is not possible with a brutal and riotous laboring masses, Fascism proposes the following postulates in favour of the working and employed classes:
1. The promulgation of a State law that establishes an eight-hour work day for all workers.
2. A social legislation updated to modern necessities, especially with regard to accidents, invalidity and old age of workers, whether they be agricultural or industrial or white-collar workers.
3. Representation of workers in the operation of industries with a limited personnel, but not the management of companies.
4. The assignment of management of industries or public services to workers' organizations that are morally worthy and technically prepared for the undertaking.
5. The diffusion of small property in those areas and for those crops that productively permit it.
6. The establishment of technical and vocational schools that increase the productive capacity of workers and peasants.
Fascism and Religion. In regards to religious and ecclesiastical policy, Fascism advocates the utmost respect for all religious faiths; full freedom for the Catholic Church in the exercise of her spiritual ministry; a solution to the dispute with the Holy See; preservation and strengthening of the authority of the State for all matters relating to the interference of the clergy in civil life.
In Matters of Foreign Policy. Fascism does not believe in the vitality nor in the principles that inspire the so-called League of Nations. In this League, the nations are not at all on an equal footing. It is a kind of holy alliance between the Franco-Anglo-Saxon group of plutocratic nations, designed to ensure their exploitation of most of the world—despite the inevitable clash of interests.
Fascism does not believe in the red internationals, which die, reproduce, multiply, and die again. These are artificial and formalistic constructs which are formed by small minorities in comparison to the masses of populations who, living, moving and progressing, end up determining the shifts of interests before which the internationalistic constructs fall apart.
Fascism does not believe in the immediate possibility of universal disarmament and therefore refuses to adhere to any propaganda which tends toward this end.
In this current historical period, Fascism thinks that Italy should have a European policy of balance and reconciliation between the different powers.
From these general premises, it follows that Fascism asks:
1. That the peace treaties are revised and modified in those parts that have become unenforceable or whose forced application might be a source of formidable hatred and a source of new wars.
2. A policy that economically annexes Fiume to Italy and actively protects Italians living in the Dalmatian lands sacrificed by the Treaty of Rapallo.
3. The gradual disengagement of Italy from the group of Western plutocratic nations through the development of our internal productive forces.
4. Rapprochement with the enemy nations (Austria, Germany, Bulgaria, Turkey, Hungary), but with an attitude of dignity and keeping firm to the supreme needs of our northern and eastern borders, within which the ethnic minorities must be treated with a regime of justice, but without indulgences or compromises.
5. Creation and intensification of friendly relations with all the peoples of the East, not excluding those governed by the Soviets and those of Southeastern Europe.
6. Revindication, in colonial terms, of the rights and needs of nations.
7. Rejuvenation and renewal of all our diplomatic missions with elements coming from special university faculties who are also suitable for other personal qualities.
8. Valorization of the Italian colonies in the Mediterranean and oversees through economic and cultural institutions, as well as rapid communications.
